A Brief History of All India Kisan Sabha

Background

The peasant movement during the British period is the product basically of the new feudal system introduced by the British colonial rulers. And the feudal system is closely related with the Permanent Settlement of 1793.

This was a settlement made with the landlords; Lord Cornwall’s started a decennial settlement in 1789, which was completed in 1791. It was completed in 1793.

What was the ‘settlement? The East India Company used to make periodic and widely varying settlements with the landowners till them. This led to a great confusion and chaos, Lord Cornwall’s put on end to this uncertainty. The lands were permanently settled with the landowners, who now became zamindars or feudal landlords. At one stroke of pen, the zamindars were raised to the position considerably similar to that of the English landlords, from the status of revenue collectors. The zamindars now had absolute right on land, while the peasant was reduced to nothing. They could buy and sell the land, provided they paid the revenue of the state fixed once and for all in 1793.

The zamindars, thus, became staunch allies of the Company, and later of the crown. The Permanent Settlement provided for increase in the lords’ (zamindars’) income, who could now increase the rout of the tenants (raiyats) in the way and to the extent they liked. They could enhance, if they so wished, the rate of the rent in each new settlement with the tenants. The cultivator had no right to land, and the rent and the increased rent could even forcibly realized by the zamindar irrespective of the condition of the crops, land, the tenant, etc. Earlier, the revenue was quite often defaulted, leading to losses not only for the local lords but much more for the various colonialists like the company.

Now, the proprietorship of land and the revenue was rigidly fixed in perpetuity. As a result, the zamindars introduced their own local systems and reaped revenues several times those paid to the state. The cultivators were bled white.

The Permanent Settlement of 1793 streamlined the zamindar’s system. Punctuality under the Sunset Law was strictly enforced. As a result, many incompetent zamindars with lazy and irregular attitudes were forced out. Extensive sales of smaller estates in particular took place for the recovery of the arrears, and many small zamindars were ruined. Within ten years of the introduction of the Permanent Settlement, widespread structural changes took place in the Indian countryside.

The tenants and cultivators were rendered further defenseless in the wake of the advance these colonial feudal relations. The relations of 1793 provided for the grant of pattas to the tenants by the zamindars, stating the terms and conditions of tenancy. It was put there as an obligatory duty. But generally the pattas regulations were a failure, as the zamindars did not want to give any kind rights or proofs to the tenants. There were any other reasons too. Besides, the tenants were also afraid of accepting such pattas for fear of increase in rent-rate, etc. Those cultivators holding land for over twelve would get occupancy rights. The zamindars wanted to and succeeded in denying them such rights. Tenants – at – will were the worst sufferers.

The state also failed to intervene to enforce pargana rates of the older times so that the tenants got some relief. But these rates were chaotic and arbitrary, and could not be implemented. The government had promised to intervene through the collector to fix the customary pargana taxes. Things reached nowhere; the tenants were also not provided rent-receipts to vide the real situation and to withhold any proof.

Similarly, the institution patwari was created under the new settlement. His job was to maintain accounts and records in the village. These records pertained to both the zamindars and the tenants, including the state of affairs regarding the rents. But the strange and ironic situation was that he was to be paid by the zamindar! As a result, the patwari could never function freely and impartially. He became, in reality, a tool of the zamindar.

In the course of time, there emerged a most intermediaries between the zamindar and the actual cultivation, nearly a dozen of them. They were known by various names eg. Pattanidars, talukdars, jotadars.

It all turned out to be colonial-feudalism even in areas where zamindars was not directly introduced. In such areas, things ultimately turned out to be varieties of zamindari.

What really was created during the British rule was a system of double exploitation by colonialism and a feudal- zamindari system with enhanced oppression.

Kisan Movement

The peasant movements in India go as far back as the 18^th centuary. The discontent among the peasants became distinct and prominent after the Battle victory opened the way for open and barbaric loot by the traders of the East India Company and outside it. That the age of mercantile capitalism. They took away the products of the peasants and wearers dirt-cheap, often with the help of armed hoodlums. After the company’s rule was established, the malguzari or the feudal was almost doubled at one stroke in 1764-65 in Bengal. It was nearly trebled by 1775-76 and increased four times by the time of the Permanent Settlement (1793) to more than 34 lakh pounds. Part of it was invested in buying commodities in India: Thus the trade was being financed by the Indian peasants and others, without the Company spending anything from its coffers.

The British traders, simultaneously, began to neglect the maintenance and development of whatever public works and rural infrastructure were there to cater to the needs of the agriculture and household industries. As a result, the canals and the irrigation system fell into disuse. Consequently, there were widespread famines and destruction of crops and degradation of land and soils. Bengal and other parts of India were virtually turned into deserts, with sharp fall in agricultural production.

The Permanent Settlement of 1793 virtually deprived the peasants of their ownership rights without compensation. The zamindar was the need owner with unlimited rights and despotic rights to oppress and crush the peasants.

The peasants naturally rose in protests and revolts from time to time.

Some Peasants Revolts

Sanyasi Revolts of 1763-1800 were among most famous and effective revolts of the 18^th century. It was designated as ‘Sanyasi’ revolt by the British rulers because the Governor –General of the Company, Warren Hastings maliciously called the participants as vagabonds, migrants, professional trouble makers, devil and dacoits!

But British officers and documents in their secret reports, as well as the official historian and creator of the Gazetteers, Sir William Hunter clearly report the Sanyasi rebels as the peasant rebels, They consisted of the demobilized soldiers of the Mughal and other armies, who had now become jobless and hungry, and poor and landless peasants. Hunter wrote that they wore in search of source of maintenance. They used to roam about in massive groups of 50 thousands each. The demobilized soldiers numbered more than 2 million. Many of them were really, literally, ‘fakirs’ and Sanyasis who had settled down Bihar, Bengal and other places, The religious Sanyasis’s inspired the peasants to revolt: They told them that the liberation of the country was the biggest religion or ‘dharma’. The participants in the Sanyasi’s rebellion used to shout the slogan of ‘Om Vande Mataram’.

Devi Chandurani, Moosa Saha, Majnu Shah, Bhawani Pathak and many others were its leaders. Running battles went on between the Sanyasi peasant armies and guerillas throughout the period. They defeated the British armies on several occasions. They attached the ‘kothi’ (central office) of the East India Company, and kept it under their control for several days. The rebellion spread to several parts of Bengal and the neighbouring areas.

A big Sanyasi army comes up in and around Patna, who attached the Company kothi. This was in 1767. The rebels also attached the Britishers in Purnea district of Bihar.

The Britishers carried on repressions, making people slaves and hanging them on a a large scale to terrorise the population.

The sanyasi Rebellion continued Anand Math till the end of the 18^th century. Bankim Chatterjee’s famous novel is based on this novel.

We have mentioned the Sanyasi rebellion to give an idea of the extent of strength and organization of the peasants and of their resistance.

There took place innumerable such revolts, rebellions, mass movement, spontaneous and organized, struggles of peasants and the landless, formation of their durable or temporary organizations during the 18^th, 19^th and 20^th centuries. These movements were not confined to this or that region only eg., Bengal, Bihar or Assam. They were spread all over the country. During those early years ie, before 1874, Bengal, Bihar Orissa and Assam broadly constituted one province ie. Bengal.

Opium peasants revolted in Bihar and Bengal during 1770-93. The East India Company used the Patna council to crush the tenants, and then crushed the Patna Council itself in the opium trade. The company tried to overexploit and over extract from the peasants from the peasants, who had to resort to several protests.

The policy of the E.I. Company led to the destruction of these peasants.

The peasants of Gorakhpur revolted during 1778-81, putting the Britishers in great trouble.

(Raja) Vijayram Raje led a big revolt in 1794 in Vizianagarm and was ultimately killed in a battle participated in large numbers by the peasants.

There was a peasant revolt against the increased malguzari in and around Wayanad in 1802 and also later in the Malabar area.

The company soldiers, supported by the peasants, revolted in 1806 in Vellore and several other places before and after.

There were mass peasant movements and soldiers’ revolts in early 19^th century in Travancore .

There was a significant but little known rebellion in Kimedi principality in Orissa in 1813-34. It was participated in by the tenants led by their local king-landowner Gajapati. The ‘king’ would not easily listen to and follow the instructions of the Britishers in form of the East India Company and its armies. He was yet to pay a considerable amount of land revenue to them. His brother, Jagannath, joined the rebel armed units. The women members of their families and other continued to fight after the two brothers had died. The heroic mass struggle for more than two decades.

Peasant revolts took place in Bareilly (1816) and Hathras (1817), in which common cultivators participated in large numbers under the leadership of small owners and soldiers. The soldiers and peasants in Orissa in the Cuttack region revolted in 1817-18, cutting off the communications between Calcutta and Madras. The communication between Poona and Calcutta was also cut off. This was a protest against extraordinary increases in the land taxes by the British rulers.

The famous revolt of the Bhils took place between 1818 and 1831. There took place several other important and widespread movements and rebellions of the Adivasis and other tribals in the various parts of the country at the beginning of the 19^th century.

The movements and revolts during 1824-26 were, so to say, smaller editions of the 1857 revolt. These revolts against the armies of the company spread in vast areas consisting of western U.P., Haryana, Punjab, Bundelkhand, Maharashtra etc. The peasants and the tenants played an important role.

Khasia revolt took place in 1829-33 in the 70- mile long and 50-mile wide area between Jayantia and Garo hills.

The raiyyats or the tenants of Mysore carried on mass armed movement in 1830-31. Kol revolt took place in 1831-32 in Chhotanagpur. Kolis carried on their struggles in the Western Ghats during 1839-50. A mass movement and revolt took place in the principality of Sawantwadi on the Konkan coast in 1844-59. The famous Naga movement was carried on between 1849 and 1878, and Santhal revolt happened in 1855-56.

The details, nature and causes of the 1857-59 revolt, the First War of Independence are too well-known to be recounted here.

The Indigo Revolt, in Champaran, Bihar, took place in 1860-61.

Some other peasant movement and revolts that took place in the second half of the 19^th century were: Jayantiya (1860-63), Kuki (Tripura ) revolt from 1860 to 1890, several peasants’ and tribals’ movements in Assam during 1861 to 1894, ‘Kuka’ peasants’ movement led by Ram Singh Kuka in Punjab in 1869-72 (it is these very people who came to be known as Namdhari Sikhs). Pabna kisan movement took place in Bengal in 1871-73. Kisan satyagraha, boycott and mass movement took place various places in Maharashtra in 1875 against the increased revenue rates; the movement spread to Poona, Ahmednagar, Sholapur, and many other areas. Birsa revolt took place in Chhotanagar in 1899-1900.

There were many other mass protests and movements of kisans and other sections during the 19^th Century, which made dents into the feudal-colonial system. They began as movements again increasing oppressions, against the growing and arbitrary rates of feudal rents, which the peasants and the tenants found at first increasingly difficult and then impossible to pay. On several occasions their struggles were joined by small and sometimes bigger owners, even princely owners, and other sections such as artisans and soldiers. Sometimes, these movements got converted into armed struggles against the British rulers and the East India Company.

Formation of Congress and Impact on Kisan Movement

Indian National Congress was founded in 1885. Though in the beginning it did not pay much attention to the kisan question, gradually relations came to be established between the INC and the peasants and peasant problems. The congress step by the step spread its activities in the villages. Bal Gangadhar Tilak organized a ‘No Tax Movement’ of the peasants of Maharashtra during 1896-97. It was the time of widespread famine in the area in those times.

The Congress had earlier, during 1891-95, paid considerable attention to the problems of tribal peasants. It also advocated revision of the forest laws. The congress regularly passed resolutions in support of the peasants and the solution of their problems. The nationalists carried on forest Satyagraha in Madras in 1920-21 and then again in 1930-32 in the Madhya Pranta (provinces). The Adivasis joined the mainstream nationalist kisan movement.

During the rise of Mahatma Gandhi, the congress began to mobilize the kisans on a large scale. Gandhiji understood the pulse of the kisan masses and gave timely slogans. He led the movements of Champaran and Kaira. The close relationship between the Congress and the peasants was a testing one, and it was mainly maintained through non-violent means. Bardoli Satyagraha is a well-known example.

The peasants became increasingly politicalised once they joined mass movements. In some places, the tenants carried on “No Tax Campaigns”, as for example in Guntur in 1920. The kisan sabha and tenant’s associations developed on the crest of the peasant mass movements, for example in the early 1920s. In many places, these organizations entered into collective bargains with the landlords and feudal, that reflected their growing strength.

Congress led b y Gandhiji used the methods of public meetings, processions, signature campaigns, Satyagraha etc. in the peasant movements. It was Gandhiji who for the first time brought out the kisans, the rural poor and other rural sections on a big scale in the national movement. eg. in the non-cooperation movement of the early 1920s an d several other movements. Gandhiji’s relations, symbols of struggles, methods and slogans were direct, simple and easily understandable by vast illiterate kisan masses.

Congress and other political forces carried on long and sustained mass peasant struggles in UP and several other places in the country. The tenants in the province began long no-tax strikes in the 1920s. Thousands of peasants came out in hundreds of villages. The Bardoli movement later developed into the ‘Patidar’ movement of the 1930s. The early (1928) nature of Bardoli was restricted. But during the 1930s, the Patidar kisans, in the course of the Civil Disobedience, refused to pay renounces. They had to face severe repressions. The government took over more than 20 thousand acres of land by March 1931. Kheda movement in Gujarat was an important event of the Patidars.

In Bengal too, the non-tax campaign grew rapidly during 1921-22. Several districts and places were affected: Midnapur, Anugunj, Rangpur, Tipperah , etc. Peasants organized movements against Union Board Tax, which was particularly successful in Kontai and Tamluk.

Koya Revolt took place in Vizag Agency in Andhra Pradesh 1922, led by Seetharam Raju, a Sanyain. The guerilla struggle was carried on for two years; Raju surrendered before police and he was killed. The nationalists organized jungle Satyagraha in Rayachoti Taluka and Cuddapah district in those days. The kisans thought that the ‘Gandhi Raj’ was already being established.

Jungle Satyagraha in 1930-31 in Madhya districts spread even up to Berar. The Marathas and others took the lead in organizing the Adivasis. Their main form of struggle was cutting of grass, burning, organizing dharnas at the time of the auction of firewood and timber, etc

The peasant struggle in Malabar was among the most powerful in history. After 1916, the Malabar Tenants’ Association and other organizations became more active. The organized mass meetings in Arnad, Valluwanad and other places. The Moplah kisan movement came up in a big way. Even a ‘Moplah Raj’ was established in the above mentioned two places.

Members of Communist Party of India (CPI) and Congress Socialist Party (CSP) organized the Karshaka Sangham in 1934 in the Malabar area, raising the level of the kisan movement qualitatively.

Movements and Kisan Organisations in U.P.

Uttar Pradesh was the seal of some of the most famous peasant movements in the 19^th century, in particular the 1857 revolt or the first war of Indian Independence. Some early kisan organizations also came into being.

In the period after the end of the First World War (1914-18), there was resurgence of mass peasant movements as well as of peasant organizations. The participation of the peasants took up a mass character on an unprecedented scale. There was a shift from spontaneous display of anger against the trader or the moneylender to the conscious class-based movements and organizations. The peasant movement, by this time, was becoming part of the national freedom movement led by the Congress.

The history of the formation of Kisan Sabha in U.P. goes back to 1918. This was when the Montagu – Chelmsform Commission visited India and the peasants of the province wanted to meet it to present a memorandum. Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya took initiative to form this organization. Later on, Motilal Nehru and some other Congress leaders also helped the organization. This Kisan Sabha also worked to rally peasants in support of the congress candidates to defeat the pro-British candidates of the landlords.

By 1921, Kisan Sabhas sprang up in several villages of Pratapgarh. They were the result of the grassroots initiates, and consisted mainly of poor peasants and rural, agricultural labourers. Kisan Sabhas were also set up in large number of places in the Qudh area. Later a single Qudh Kisan Sabha came into being, mainly dominated by the Congressmen.

The ‘No Tax – No Rent’ movement in U.P. in the 1930s saw mass –scale participation of poor peasants and agricultural labourers. These movements helped create independent class organization of the entire peasantry.

A section of Congressmen in U.P. led by Jawaharlal Nehru fraternized with the radical peasant movement. They tried to bring the movement led by the Kisan Sabhas closer to Congress. During 1920-22, peasant movements led by Kisan Sbhas spread in Rai Bareilly, Pratapgarh, Hardoi, Faizabad, Sultanpur, Unnao, Kheri, areas near Lucknow, etc.

At that time, the landlords were the tenants on a large scale. At the sometime illegal nazrana and exactions in other forms were being

An important and historic movement took place in Pratapgarh 1^st August – September 1920, It was led by Baba Ramchandra. He was originally from Maharashtra, and used to wander about reciting Tulsidas’s Ramayan. He at the same time listened to the grievances of the peasants, and possessed great capacities for organization. He invested “Sita Ram”, the traditional form of greeting in that area with special meaning. He led a march of peasants from Pratapgrah to Allahabad for the redressal of peasants’ demands. Many famous leaders fraternized with them including P.D. Tandon, Pt. Krishna Kant Malviya Mata Badal Pandey and others, Mass arrests of peasant leaders took place including of Baba Ramchandra . The peasants organized big dharnas at the jail gate. In some places landlords’ estates were seized.

The movement spread to several other regions of Qudh, Peasant revolts took place in January – April 1921 in Faizabad, Sultanpur and Rai Bareilly. Mass militant movements emerged, which also got suppressed from time to time. In some places panchayats were established to administer the villages. IN such villages, the Kisan Sabha Organisation’s were better organized and influential.

“Eka Movement” took place by 1921 – end, which spread from Alihabad to Hardoi, Bahraich, Sitapur, Barabanki, etc. It was also participated in by congressmen and the khilafatists. In Bahraich, the tenants had to pay rent in grain, ie. in kind. ‘Thekedan’ was widespread.

Therefore, a widespread movement broke out in the early – 1920s refusing to pay rent in grain. Peasants were arrested under false changes including of dacoity.

Late 1920s – early 1930s was a period of worldwide Great Depression. This crisis, basically lasting 1929-34, had a deep adverse impact on the peasants. The problems of the peasants mounted, and they were ruined. During this period wages fell, agricultural prices crashed down, but rents and revenue levels were sought to be maintained. That meant, it became several times difficult, even impossible, for the kisans and labourers to survive, Arrears and debts piled up like anything. Consequently, evictions took place on a massive scale.

As a result of these developments, the kisan movements and the activities and the organization of the Kisan Sabhas showed a rapid upward trend. In U.P., Baba Ramchandra again became active. The Simon Commission was boycotted in 1928, Pt. Nehru inspired a no-tax campaign in U.P. which was taken up by the UPCC. The tenants were called upon not to pay the enhanced rents. The landlords were asked not to pay revenue.

The Civil Disobedience Movement of the 1930s helped activate the kisan movement. In fact, the kisan and the C.D movements helped each other.

The UPCC prepared a report on the Agrarian Distress in the United Provinces, and the no-rent campaign was launched again in 1931. It spread to Agra and Qudh regions. By July 1932, more than 10 thousand Communists, Congressmen and ordinary peasants were jailed in U.P. Most of the participants were agricultural labourers and poor tenants.

Peasant Movements in Maharashtra, Pre- 1936

There have been a number of kisan movements in Maharashtra. We cannot go into all the details here. The Congress men often took up kisans’ cause, but they avoided the main class questions and put all the blame for the peasant problems upon the British colonial state

In Satara in 1917, four members of Tilak’s Home Rule League visited several villages, asking them to join the League and not to subscribe to the War Fund.

One of the most famous movements was the Mulshi Peta Satyagraha. Mulshi Peta is a place near Poona, where a dam was constructed in 1920 by the Tata Power Company. Large tracts of fertile agricultural lands and a large number of villages were submerged. Thousands of peasants were displaced.

A long- drawn resistance movement of the peasants took place, testing for two and half years. Men, women and children participated in large numbers. A large number were arrested. Famous leaders like Senapati Bapat emerged out of the movement. At the end, the peasants ere able to get some compensation.

The project was to dislodge more than 11000 persons from 51 villages. Leaders from Poona helped them and more than 1300 signatures were obtained on a draft pledge. The Satyagraha began on 16^th April 1921 with thousands of men, women and children occupying the dam site with sympethesis from dam who had to stop work. Second campaign started in December1921. The Mavlas (the peasants ) were being pressurised to accept unacceptable and unfovourable terms of compensation by the government, the sowkars (money-lenders) and the landlords.

The workers and Peasant’s Party (WPP) began to organize the peasants in the Bombay regions during 1926-28. The party began publishing its own weekly journal in Marathi titled kranti. The WPP presented comprehensive resolution at the AICC meeting in May 1927, slogans of ‘Land to the Tiller’. ‘Abolish Feudalism and Capitalism’ etc. were given.

Bombay government framed the Small Holdings Bill ( 1927). The Bill was opposed by the peasants ad criticized in newspapers on the grounds that it would turn the peasants landless, Protest meetings were held in Satara, Poona and Ahmednagar districts. More than 3000 agriculturists attended a district conference in Islampur in Satara district .These and other activities later culminated in a provincial conference in Poona on 25 July 1928 attended by more than 5000 peasants. It gave a call to form Bombay Provincial Kisan Sabha. Peasants from various parts of Maharashtra and Karnataka gathered in Poona on the occasion to protest against the Bill. A movement of non-payment started in many places after the conference.

A big movement against Forest Law had also took place. Section 78 of the Forest Act had given wide powers to the government. According to this section, it was made compulsory for every villages to know and extinguish fire in the forest. If he failed to do so, he would be punished.

A mass movement broke out against the Forest Law of 1930 in many places including Akola, Sangamner and other places. Hundreds of villages were covered, Tens of thousands of people participated. Even a Jungle Bulletin was published in the course of the movement.

This was the civil disobedience of the forest laws. The peasants had to face severe police repressions. Maharashtra Provincial Congress Committee appointed a Peasant Enquiry Committee on 14^th July 1935. It suggested several changes and reforms in the existing laws relating to the peasants.

The committee made some interesting and moving observations. For example, it said that the life of the peasants was excruciatingly sordid. The only escape from this life of tortures was assembly of the Warkaris, the Bhajans and walking trips of hundreds of miles. Tens of thousands of peasants and ordinary people flocked to Pandharpur to escape their miserable existence and to give heart-rending vent to their lowermost depths of depths of despair. The Committee stated that “they shout forth the unreality of that which hurts them most deeply so that they may ring out of that faith the reason for their miserable existence —- denied the wherewithal to live humanly, they will grope desperately for the good life divorced from any material base whatsoever. It is not that they don’t want a happy home. But they are trying to find out if one can have a sense of something that gives a meaning to life even when material wants are denied for ever.”

The Committee recommended organization of Shetkari Sangh (Peasants’ Union or Kisan Sabha). It suggested peasant conferences, training camps, petitions and deputations, mass resistance, various forms of societies and cooperatives, etc.

Formation of Kisan Sabha

A number of kisan Organisations came into being in various parts of the country much before AIKS was founded in 1936. They emerged under various names and banners like kisan sabhas, unions, associations etc.,

A brief description will help us to trace the events leading up to the formation of the All India Kisan Sabha.

Among the earliest references in found the mention of Kisan Sabha in areas of Punjab in 1919. The Kisan Sabha submitted resolutions to the Amritsar session of the Indian National Congress in December 1919. It demanded that the actual cultivators be declared the owners of the eland they titled, they be subjected to tax but not rent, and in the zamindari areas the tenants be made the owners.

The First World War had further compounded the peasants’ problems. They had become active in movements and organizations. It was the first time that the class demands of the peasantry had been put forward for adoption in the national programme.

Among the early peasant organisation’s were those formed in Rai Bareilly and Faizabad districts of the United Provinces ( Uttar Pradesh today). In the post – World War I period, was peasant movements engulfed these and several other districts of the province. Peasant movements headed by the Kisan Sabhas spread into several districts like Pratapgrarh, Rai Bareilly, Faizabad, Sultanpur, Hardoi, Unnao, Kheri, Lucknow etc. during the non-corporation movement of 1920-22. These movements opposed ejectments of peasants and illegal exactments like nazrana, hari, begar etc.

Among the famous movements was the led Baba Ramchandra in August-November 1920 seeking political support for peasants’ demands are release of prisoners. Peasants even organized massive dharnas at the jail gates. Landlords, moneylenders and traders were attacked in many places. First march of the peasants took place led by Baba Ramchandra from Pratapgarh to Allahabad. Organisations like Kisan Sabha Committees, Panchayats etc. came into being in many paces including to administer and regulate the village affairs.

In fact, the formation of the Kisan Sabha in U.P. can be traced back to around 1918. The initiative for its formation was taken by Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya. It decided to present a memorandum to the commission headed by Montagu-Chelmsford, in order to put forward their own view in contrast to the landlord’s Pt. Motilal Nehru and other Congress leaders patronized the organization. Kisan Sabha organizations spread rapidly in several villages of Pratapgarh in 1921. They emerged at the initiative of the mass of poor peasants and agricultural labourers.

Simulataneously, the kisan sabhas were also being formed in the various other areas of Qudh. Ater, the two Kisan Sabhas merged to form the Qudh Kisan It mainly consisted of the Congressmen.
The U.P. Kisan Sabha was formed in 1936 with Harsh Deo Malviya as the Secretary . The provincial committee included Acharya Narendra Deo, M.L. Gautam, K.M. Ashraf and others. The UPKS had branches in forty districts. It began to publish a fortnightly Kisan and a weekly Naya Hindustan .
The Patrasayer conference held in 1937 adopted the first political – organizational resolution as well as the first Constitution of the BPKS. Muzaffar Ahmed’s speech was adopted as the Resolution.
A little later, the kisan sabha movement also entered the Cochin state.

Severe anti-Mahajan movements in Myanen Singh in 1930 were initially started by the Young Comrades’ League, under Communist leadership. The Communists were also trying to set up Krishak Samiti’s in several districts, particularly Tripura and Noakhali. Some of the meetings were attended by tens of thousands of peasants in the early – 1930. Krishak Samiti often used a red flag with hammer and sickle.
All Bengal Peasant and Workers’ conference was held in the middle of August 1936 in Calcutta, attended by 200 delegates from 20 districts. This conference is taken as the foundation conference of Bengal Provincial Kisan (Krishak) Sabha ( BPKS). Among its prominent leaders were: Bankim Mukherjee, Tarapad Gutpa, Dr, Bhupendranath Dutta, Abdul Majid, Mrinal Kanti Bose, Niharendu Dutt Majumder and many others.

Kisan Organisations in Kerala

The kisan movement in Malabar in South India is more than one-and-a-half century old. The Moplah rebellions among its most well-known expressions. A British civil servant, Logan, has left behind one of the most vivid descriptions of the conditions of the peasants and of the agrarian scene in general.

The national civil disobedience and other kinds of nationwide movements led to the emergence of new type of young Congress leadership of the peasant movement. Association in Travancore was led by C.P. Pillai. The demands were based on the price of coconut . There was several reformist even landlord-oriented movement also.

One of the most significant movements was the peasant-labourer movement in Cranganore in Cochin State. It was started by K.M. Ibrahim. Congressmen and Congress socialist younger leaders went to the villages to mobilize the peasants. The younger socialist Congressmen went village to village popularizing land revenue agitation.. They took their slogans to the ordinary peasant through the reading rooms and youth leagues. Through these movements, the future leaders like K.P.R. Gopalan, A.V. Kunhembu, Bharatheeyan, Keraleeyan and others emerged. They discovered that it was Later, the CSP emerged. North Malabar had greater impact of the national movements of 1930-32. Sri Kelappan’s march to Payyanur electrified the North. There were other actions like Salt Satyagraha in Payyanur camp, Forest Satyagraha in Hosdurg taluk, Cannanore Youth Conference, etc. They helped create the nuclear of the later peasant movement. Kallaisseri Outh League, Sri Harshan Reading Room, Youth Leagues etc. created cadre for the peasant movement.

Several types of organizations came into being in the region. Coconut Growers’ not land revenue which was suppressing the peasants so much as the debt and rent.

1937 was the beginning of a new stage in the development of the peasant movement. The general elections to the Provincial Assembly was no ordinary election; it was in fact a peasant rally. The Congress election manifesto roused the peasantry everywhere. The congress candidates got thumping majority in almost every constituency.

Abdur Rahiman’s victory in Eranad – Walluvanad constituency was most remarkable. Rich Muslims were pitted against this congress candidate, yet he won by a thumping majority.

There was widespread struggle against the Malabar Tenancy Act of 1930, which was sought to be amended in a retrograde manner in a new bill. This move was defected. It was the first victory that the peasants secured through their class organization, similar to the defeat of the reactionary candidates in the elections.

The Madras Agriculturists’ Debt Relief Bill brought by the Congress ministry “ sent a thrill of joy in every peasant’s heart, just as it evoked the most bitter resentment in the Jenmi’s “ (ie the landlords’), writes EMS.

The peasants created a mass movement in favour of the Bill,. For every meeting organized by Jenmi (landlords), there were 25 organised by the peasants’ unions and the Congress Committees, according to EMS. For every member of the audience at Jenmi’s meetings, there were a thousand in kisan conferences, The bills was passed by both the houses in the original form; thus the Jenmi’s were defeated and the peasants won.

The movement was carried on under the leadership of Taluk Peasants’ Unions in Malabar. But there was no coordinating leadership, what was even thought to be unnecessary. Many were of the opinion that the executive of the CSP would do the job.

But with the activation of local and Taluka organisation’s, a coordinating link became necessary. All Malabaar Peasants’ Union was set up in May 1938, with Keraleeyan as the secretary. He was earlier the secretary of Chirakkal Taluk Peasants’ Union. The organization had strong basis in Hosdurg , Chirakkal and Kottayam Talukas, and elsewhere too. Village Sanghams were very powerful, and their decisions were almost treated as law.

There organizations even-carried movements of social reforms eg. against untouchability, temple-entry etc. It was a difficult task. For example, in a village in Chirakkal Taluk, the orthodox peasants even beat up . A.K. Gopalan and Keraleeyan unconscious on temple –entry. But later, these very peasants helped build the local Karshaka Sangham.

Foundation of All India Kisan Sabha (1936)

By 1935-36, the situation was maturing in favour of formation of an India peasants’ organization. Several factors were working towards it. Kisan Sabhas had already been constituted in several provinces states, as mentioned, eg. U.P., Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Travancore-Cochin etc. and in many more districts. They were strong and well-knit mass organizations. Mass kisan movements were on the rise in the 1930s. Besides, the peasants were playing an increasingly active political role in the national movements and in various political parties like the Congress, the CPI, the CSP, etc.

By the mid-1930s, an atmosphere pf united anti-imperialist movement and front was spreading fast. This idea got further strengthened by rise of fascism in Europe. Hither and Mussolini were already active in gobbling up other countries and in destroying democracy. War clouds were gathering. The sympathy and support for the Soviet Union was increasing in direct proportion to fascist threat. National liberation movements in China and elsewhere were gathering strength.

In India, all the parties and organizations of the freedom agreed on setting up of a countrywide organization of kisans. Several moves were made and initiatives were taken in this direction.

The leaders of CSP, CPI and various kisan sabhas in different places in India, were in active contacts with each other to convene some sort of all India meeting o0f kisan leaders.

The occasion presented itself at the beginning of 1936. An all India Conference of the Congress Socialist was held in Meerut in January 1936. It paid particular attention to the kisan question and organization. This second conference of A-I CSP was held on 19 January (1936).

Just before it, an all India conference of kisan organizations of different provinces was held in Meerut itself, on 16 January (1936). Shrimati Kamla Devi (Chattopadhyaya) presided over it. A number leftist political workers, leading members of CSP and prominent provincial district and local kisan sabha leaders and activists participated. They discussed the conditions of peasantry and the serious situation created by the Great Depression.

The meeting (conference) formed an Organising Committee with N.G. Ranga and Jay Prakash Narayan as the joint convenors. The Organising Committee was assigned the job of convening an all India kisan congress.

The All – India Kisan Conference was accordingly held at Lucknow on 11-13 April 1936 the time of the Lucknow session of the Indian National Congress. Thus, the birth of the AIKS was closely related with the activities of the Congress, the CSP and the CPI.

The conference was presided over by Swami Sahajanand Saraswati, the leader of the BPKS (Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha).

More than one thousand delegates and visitors attended the conference. Among the organizations represented were : Assam Ryots’ Association, All Bengal Peasants’ federation, Punjab Peasants’ Debt Relief Committee, U.P. Kisan Sangh , South Indian Federation of Peasants an d workers, peasants’ organizations from Malabar and Cochin, Maharashtra Peasants’ Committee, kisan representatives from Gujarat, CP and Berar, and Their representatives took an active pact in the deliberations.

Among those who attended and worked actively were: Swami Sahajanand Saraswati (Bihar), N.G. Ranga (Anhdra) , Indulal Yagnik (Gujarat), Mohanlal Gautam (U.P.) , K.M. Ashraf (U.P.), Sohan Singh Josh (Punjab), Ahmad Din (Punjab), Kamal Sarkar and Sudhin Pramanik (Bengal), Jayprakash Narayan and Ram Manohar Lohia (CSP), and others.

Mohanlal Gautam delivered the introductory remarks, and welcomed the delegates as the chairman of the Reception Committee.

Jawaharlal Nehru, the President of the Indian National Congress, paid a brief visit on the first day and greeted the conference in person. He expressed satisfaction at such a large gathering of kisans. He welcomed the formation of the kisan congress. The peasant problem was the main problem of the people of India. Question of proprietorship and status of kisans was very important. Reforms of Government of India Act of 1935 would be tested by reference to the solution of kisan question.Nehru favoured the principle of collective affiliation, as proposed by the Kisan Congress, to the National Congress. The proposal was later rejected by the Congress when it formally came up before it.The organization was at first officially called the All India Kisan Congress. Some also called it All Inida Kisan Sangh. The name was later changed to All India Kisan

Presidential Address

Swami Sahajanand Saraswati delivered the presidential address. He criticized the land revenue system, and emphasized that there could be no compromise between the peasants and the landlords on the basic question; the zamindars must be deprived of their lands. Though the peasants produced food through hard labour, nothing was left for them. The zamindari system had to be abolished.The kisans must fight for their rights; they could count on the congress, particularly on the leaders like Nehru and Patel. Among the other important speakers was Ram Manohar Lohia, who pointed out that Gandhiji had taken up the cause of kisans for the relief in land revenue.

Sohan Singh Josh opined that in order to abolish the zamindari system, the imperialist system had to be first done away with.

Decisions of the conference

We have already mentioned that the conference decided to found All India Kisan Sabha or AIKS (at first All India Kisan Congress).

It elected an All India Kisan Committee or AIKC and a Central Kisan Council (CKC), of which acted as the executive of the AIKC. Office bearers were also elected.

Swami Sahajanand Saraswati was made the President of AIKS and N.G. Ranga, the General Secretary.

Manifesto

An outline of the All India Kisan Manifesto was prepared at the conference. The Manifesto was further developed, elaborated and finalized at the meeting of AIKC held in August 1936 in Bombay. This document was to play an important role. It elaborated the decisions of the conference. They or the points of the Manifesto were formally presented to the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress. This helped the Congress to prepare the agrarian part of its election manifesto for the 1937 general elections. The kisan Manifesto, earlier, also influenced the Agrarian Sub-Committee of the Congress as well as agrarian programme of the Faizpur session of Congress in December 1936.

The AIKS conference passed resolutions on the following questions: –

The AIKS conference announced that it aimed at complete from economic exploitation of the peasantry, and at the same time in favour of full economic and political power for peasants, workers and all the exploited sections.

The conference stood for active and full participation in the struggle for freedom.

All the following and other types of zamindari systems should be abolished – zamindai (in Orissa, Bengal, Madras and Assam); talukdari (U.P. and Gujarat); malguzari (CP); estemardari (Ajmer); khote (Deccan) ; jenmi (Malabar); inamdari, ryotwa Their rights should be vested in the cultivators.

existing system of land revenue and resettlement imposed by government led to increasing pauperization of the peasants. Therefore, all such revenue systems should be abolished and replaced by a graduated land tax upon net incomes of Rs. 500/- and more. This was also the recommendation of Taxation Enquiry Committee.

The first conference of the All India Kisan Sabha was attended by representatives from Malabar, Andhrac, Punjab, Bihar, U.P., Delhi and Bengal.

Kisan Day

The AIKS observes a Kisan Day on 1 September (1936) as per the resolution of the Lucknow Conference. Meetings and demonstrations were held in the rural areas to demonstrate the strength of the peasants and to press for their minimum demands. Demands and resolutions of the Lucknow conference were explained at these meetings.

The formation of the AIKS led to an upsurge of kisan movement and a spread of the kisan organizations.

Organisational Consolidation

1936 saw an organizational consolidation of the AIKS after its formation. Another AIKS Conference was held the same year, on 25-26 December, in Faizpur, Maharashtra.

This second AIKS conference was an important and interesting one. V.M. Bhuskute and J. Buhkan led a march of about 500 kisans from Manmad on 12^th December (1936). They trekked for over 200 miles and reached “Tilaknagar” , Faizpur on 25^th December (1936). They carried red flags and shouted slogans in favour of the kisans.

They were received by a large number of important leaders. Among these leaders wo welcomed them were: Jawaharlal Nehru, the Congress President, Shankar Rao Deo (Chairman of the Reception Committee of the Congress, S.A. Dange, Jt. Secretary, R.C, Acharya Narendra Dev, M.N. Roy, Bankim Mukherjee, Indulal Yagnik, N.G. Ranga, Jaiprakash Narayan, Shibnath Banerjee, M.R. Masani, Yusuf Meherally and many others.First of all, N.G. Ranga welcomed the participants in the conference.

After him, Jawaharlal Nehru welcomed and greeted them. Speaking on behalf of the Congress, he said he immensely liked the idea of the kisan march. It was a great event that the march educated the peasants on the route of the programme. He wished the conference a great success.

Chairman of the Reception Committee, Bhuskute, welcoming the delegates, expressed the hope that the peasants and workers would forge a mighty united front for their mass struggles, agrarian awakening, complete national independence and against the new slave constitution.

Delivering his residential address, N.G. Ranga emphasized the important international events. He pointed to Spanish Civil War, mass people’s armed struggle “to maintain the independence of Communist South China”, refusal of British miners to allow transfer of coal for the counter-revolutionary forces in Soviet Russia in 1919 – 20 , etc.

Similarly, the Indian Kisans and people had to fight their own battle against the vested interests inside and outside the legislatures. The AIKS did not wish to use arms against the opponents. The aim of Indian peasants was a Socialist India.

N.G. Ranga dealt with the important point of interests of the peasants and agricultural workers. He emphasized that it was the sacred duty of the peasants to fraternize with the agricultural workers and “to meet them more than halfway in satisfying their demands” . Care had to be taken to minimize any conflict between peasants and agrarian workers. The kisans should pay attention to improve the conditions of these labourers. The problem unemployment and poverty among them and among the peasants had to be addressed,

In conclusion, president N.G. Ranga stated, “ I extend hearty congratulations to Comrade Jawaharlal Nehru, both on my behalf and on behalf of our Kisan congress, on his re-election to the presidentship of the Indian National Congress.” He requested Nehru and Congress to provide proper representation on all its committees. A hope was expressed of a day when those assembled would capture and conduct the government.

V.M. Bhuskute, on behalf the R.C. offering the delegates “ a hearty welcome to this little village”. Dealt on a number of questions, eg. traditions of struggle, problem of hunger, would capitalism and Indian peasant, agrarian revolution, the National Congress, daily struggles, and many others.

He reminded the delegates of the great role of Shivaji. The movement led by Shivaji was “ in fact a movement of the peasant masses against the predatory rule of the feudal hierarchy with its apex in Bijapur or Delhi”. Later, the toiling peasants were robbed of victory and of their homesteads when the centre of the regime was reinstated in Poona. The struggles of peasantry assumed new when the rotten feudalism crumbled before the advancing foreign capitalism. The peasants of Ahmednagar, Poona, Satara, Sangamner and other places rose in revolt.

He also mentioned the great historic peasant struggles in the various other provinces.

The pointed out that the average peasant holding at the time was 1/8 of what it was 75 years previously. Thus the toiling peasantry was robbed of 7/8 of its land. Along with the village sowkar, the big business had now entered the arena, eg. Tata Hydroelectric Companies and Belapur Sugar Syndicate. The landless peasant was getting reduced to a pitiful serf or wage-slave.

In the Rayatwari (Ryotwari) or the peasant-proprietorship system in western India, was in fact a ‘Marwari’ system: at the top was the imperialist tax-gatherer, who collected the last penny from the peasants regardless of the latter’s ability to pay.

The special feature of the peasant problem in India, according to Bhuskute, was that with primitive methods, our economy was still based in feudal relations, and yet India was already caught in the meshes of capitalist world market. The first and foremost task was the abolition of feudalism, with sufficient land to each toiling peasant. An agrarian revolution had to be carried out, which was not a socialist one. The national revolution and independence had to solve the agrarian problem.

About the Indian National Congress, he said that it was the biggest rallying ground for the anti-imperialist forces. It also had its weaknesses and vacillations . Therefore, it was necessary for the peasants’ and workers’ organization to intervene and to rally these masses to the National Congress, which should be transformed into a powerful organ of the United Front.
It was therefore necessary to strengthen the independent organization of the All India Kisan Sabha

Some important resolutions and decisions

Among the important decisions were the formation of two sub-committees: one on existing conditions and organization of the agricultural labourers, and the other on the tenants.
The conference passed several resolutions. Among them was the political Resolution moved by Jaiprakash Narayan, which was seconded by Kamala Devi and supported by Khadilkar. It was passed unanimously..

This above mentioned resolution totally rejected the new Constitution introduced by the British rulers. The conference pointed out that it was meant to maintain and strengthen their rule by allying with the most reactionary and feudal and decaying capitalist forces. The conference called upon the peasants, workers and all the other anti-imperialist to come together to fight British imperialism. It called upon the INC not to accept office after the impending general elections (which were held in 1937).

According to the All India Kisan Bulletin as issued by the AIKS in the Congress Socialist of that time, absentee landlordism, agricultural debt and the existing land revenue system had to be abolished to end the starvation of 28 crores of Indian cultivators. Absentee landlordism comprised nearly 70% of the Indian agricultural tenures. It was the root cause of the problems of the Indian peasantry.
A radical restructuring of the land-tenure system was essential. It involved the abolition of zamindari system. The AIKS Congress stated that the burden of the agricultural debt was calculated by the competent authorities at Rs. 1500 crores.
This was unbearable and inequitions . The major part of it was incurred at a much higher price level than the prevailing rate. Therefore, the peasants found it impossible to pay off even the debt service, let alone the principal. The debt had to be liquidated absolutely. Otherwise, the Indian kisan would remain in perpetual starvation condition.
The AIKS Congress opined that the land revenue system in the Ryotwari areas made no allowance for a minimum subsistance income before levying the revenue.
Therefore, it demanded is replacement by a system of land taxation exempting all net agricultural income below 500 rupees. The AIKS conference elected Swami Sahajanand Saraswati as the general secretary and Indulal Yagnik, Bankim Mukherjee and BPL Bedi as the joint secretaries. N.G. Ranga was already the President. The conference concluded with a rally of about 15000 kisans on 26 December 1936, addressed by several top leaders.

Question of AIKS name and flag

The constitution Sub-committee of the AIKS submitted its report to the All Indi Kisan Committee at its Niyamatpur (Gaya, Bihar) meeting held on 14^th July 1937. It recommended a change of name of the organization from All India Kisan Congress to All India Kisan Sabha. The recommendation was accepted and formally adopted.

The issue of the flag of the AIKS was discussed in detail at this meeting. The AIKC said that while the kisans respected the national flag as that of the anti-imperialist freedom movement, the Red Flag represented the interests of the kisans themselves. The Red Flag of the AIKS them was oblong piece of red cloth with crossed hammer and sickle on it. It was in 1957 that the hammer was removed, with only the sickle retained. There was no formal decision yet in Niyamatpur; it was only in the AIKC meeting of 27-28 October 1937 in Calcutta that the flag was formally accepted.

The controversy over the flag of AIKS, though continued to simmer in the later years. For example, it was the subject of addresses at the 1938 and 1939 AIKS conferences. Swami Sahajanand Saraswati in his presidential address of 1938 (Comilla) session of AIKS, said that the controversy over Red Flag and Tricolour was unnecessary. Whereas the tricolour was the symbol of nationalism, the Red Flag represented the aspirations of the exploited and oppressed, and the internationalism. There were other, sectarian flags (eg. ‘Mahabiri’ , green, black,etc). whose bearers had been causing much harm; why then no voice was being raised against them, he asked ? And what was so foreign in AIKS flag ? If some were using hammer or sickle, others were using Charkha. In fac , users of sickles and hammers were far greater in numbers those using charkha, he said. There were many foreign things people were using, eg. radio, phone, motor, train, etc; even parliamentary democracy and Constituent Assembly were foreign ! So, he could not understand this opposition to the use of Red Flag. The AIKS could use both the flags in its gatherings.

Jadunandan Sharma also dealt with the problem of flags as Chairman of the Reception Committee at Gaya session of the AIKS (1939). The problem was also up by Narendra Dev in his presidential address in the Gaya session itself.

Kisan Movement, 1937-39

This was an eventful period for the kisan movement. The foundation of the AIKS itself was a great event for the movement. 1936 onwards, the anti-imperialist front and the struggle for its formation was becoming the dominating feature of the freedom movement in general kisan movement in particular. It is well-known that three important mass organizations were founded in 1936: AIKS, AISF and PWA.

They reflected the growing and broadening trend of joint and united action of various sections of the Indian people.

It has to be borne in mind that it was a period of the rise of fascism in Europe. Mussolini, Hitler and some other fascist dictators had already come t power. Fascists had began to gobble up other countries. Fascism had become a real threat to the people of the world .

A civil war in Spain (1936-39) had broken, drawing the sympathies and support of the democratic world for the Republican forces and against fascist counter-revolution. Spanish struggle left a deep imprint on India.

At the same time, anti-British struggles were gathering strength and sweep in India.

It was also the period of Popular Front movement, and Popular Front governments came to power through elections in Spain and France, and the movement was gathering strength elsewhere.

It was at this very juncture of rise of world fascist threat that Georgi Dimitrov, the General Secretary of the Communist International presented his famous theses on United Front at the 7^th World Congress of the held in Moscow. He called for the formation of Anti-Fascist United Front to fight fascism. He also gave a call for the formation of anti-imperialist united front in various countries for national freedom struggle.

Dimitrov Theses had a singular and deep impact on the national liberation and freedom movement of India. It reoriented the various parties and forces and mass organizations towards united action and towards formation of united anti-imperialist front.

There were several other influences and initiatives for united front movement and organizations.

The congress and the CSP in themselves varieties of such a united front. They were sought to be strengthened and expanded by the Communists (CPI).

Formation of the AIKS was to considerable extent a result of the U.F. tactics. It was a joint platform of various progressive, democratic and left trends in the national freedom and kisan movement, It was jointly run by the socialists, communists, congress socialists, congressmen, independent radicals and many unattached kisan and political and social activists.

The AIKS was the product of its times.

Some Important Movements
The AIKS decided to observe the first of September every year as All India Kisan Day. It continued to be observed for quite a few years, regularly and extensively in thousands of villages across the country. An All India Debt Cancellation Day was observed on 27^th March 1938 demanding total cancellation of kisans’ debts. The AIKS also called upon the kisans to observe May Day on 1^st May 1938 all over the country.
The AIKS also observed one more “day” - the All India Day on 20^th March 1938 demanding legalization of the Communist Party of India. The Communist Party had been banned since 1934. Swami Sahjanand as the general secretary of the AIKS fully supported “the appeal issued by Comrades Jaiprakash Narayan and P.C. Joshi to observe 20^th March as the All-India for the legalization of the Communist Party of India.” At that time Jaiprakash Narayan was the general secretary of the CSP and P.C. Joshi of the CPI.
Sahjanand said that it was most irritating to find a certain school of thought gagged by the government claiming to be civilized. The All India Kisan Congress (AIKC) met at Haripura on 17-18 February 1938. It condemned the anti-kisan and even repressive attitude of certain Congress ministries. At the same time, the AIKC “reiterated its resolve to support all genuine anti-imperialist activities that might be carried on by the Congress against the forces of imperialism with a view to build up a mighty united front of all militant forces by developing a struggle for the national democratic revolution.”
On 15^th August 1938 massive peasant demonstration was organized in Patna against the Congress – Zamindar agreement. Earlier, a week on the same was observed in Bihar from 25^th July 1938. After the Congress stepped into power in Bihar, the BPKS and the AIKS drew the attention of the ministry to the need to fulfill the promises made in the Election Manifesto. The BPKS organized demonstrations and meetings to this effect. Kisan movements broke out in Gaya, Monghyr (Munger), Patna, etc.
The Kisan Sabha took to peaceful satyagraha. Powerful satyagraha took place at Reora , Amwari, Raghopur, Dekuli, Lagar, Muriyar and other places in Gaya and other districts.

Activities in the Provinces
The foundation of the AIKS in 1936 led to an upsurge in organizational and mass activities in the provinces all over the country.

Uttar Pradesh:
A Provincial Kisan Sangh was formed in U.P. by Purushottam Das Tandon in 1936; it was presided over by Vallabhbhai Patel, Mohanlal Gautam was its secretary. A few districts did good work. The Niyamatpur AIKC of 14^th July 1937 organised a Kisan Organizing Committee, of which Dr. K.M. Ashraf was the Convenor. It was meant to reorganize the K.S. in the province. A provincial kisan conference was organized in Pilibhit on 6-7 December 1937.

Bihar :
We have already described the evolution and position of BPKS in some detail earlier. One lakh kisans demonstrated in Patna on 26^th November 1937 in support of the various kisan demands. The kisans of Bihar, mainly under the leadership of the BPKS , had launched big movements for the abolition of zamindari. The period between 1936 and 1939 was one of active Bakasht movement. It was first launched in 1936 in Monghyr (Munger), and then spread to Patna, Shahabad, Gaya, etc.

It was a struggle of the peasants, who had enjoyed the occupancy rights since generations, and who were now being evicted by zamindars. The fourth AIKS conference (Gaya, 1938) noted that Bihar formed the spear-head of the countrywide kisan movement. The actual tillers had acquired occupancy rights, and these lands were now grabbed by the zamindars, and which could be revived if given to settled ryots.

Satyagraha was going on in places like Barahiyatal, Lagar Muriar , Raghopur and Dekuli. A place called Amwari (Saran district, Bihar) had caught attention of the whole country because of brutal and cowardly assault in police custody on the famous Buddhist scholar, writer and kisan leader Rahul Sakrityayan by the goons of the local zamindars. Pt. Rahul was jailed twice in the Bakasht movement and went on long fasts along.
The women-folk of Rewara became famous for their courage: they led the fight and inspired others. Rahulji’s fasts totaled 28 days and Pt. Karyanand Sharma’s 45 days, as also of Anil Mitra’s. The fasts were undertaken to secure the status of political prisoners. Many others also fasted including Jadunandan Sharma, Ram Briksha Benipuri, Jagnnath, etc.

Many others including Pt.Jamuna Karjee, Dhanaraj Sharma and others were arrested. A large number of kisan workers, more than 2000 workers, most of them Congressmen, were prosecuted. Punjab: A provincial conference of kisan delegates was held in the Bradlaugh Hall, Lahore, 7 March 1937. They represented 13 districts. A provincial committee was organized consisting of 15 members.

The secretarians elected were Sohan Singh Josh (MLA) and Mubarak Sagar. Representatives from some princely states eg. Kapurthala, Nabha and Patiala , and of Punjab Riyasati Praja Mandal also attended. ‘Lahore Morcha’ struggle continued in the late 30s, and spread to other districts. Morchas were organized in many districts. More than 5000 men and women kisans were arrested and jailed in Lahore alone. The agitation was later called oft because the Provincial Premier agreed to partially meet the demands raised by Lahore Kisan Committee.

The kisan movement was becoming stronger in the states. The Punjab Kisan committee organized and led a huge movement of 40 thousand tenants of Nilibar, which was a colony in Moutgomery district, in March 1938. Among the demands were the share of the crop for the tenants to be half of produce, tenants should not be charged for houses and cowsheds, the village accountant (patwari) not be paid by tenants, no begar or forced labour

North – West Frontier Province (NWFP) Kisan Sabha was not properly yet in the NWFP. Still, some important and effective movements took place there during the period. About 80 kisans had been arrested in 1938 in Maftiabad, near Charsada. They were opposing eviction.
They were led by Obeidullah Khan , son of Frontier Premier, who was also arrested along with the peasants. Bengal : Provincial level kisan organization came up quickly soon after the formation of the AIKS. Kisan conference was held in Calcutta on 16-17 August 1936.

An Organizing Committee was formed. 200 delegates from 20 districts took part. A regular provincial kisan conference was held on Bankura district on 27-28 March 1937. It discussed and passed its own Constitution and also a Political – Organisation Resolution. Several district and other level conferences were held previous to it. Bankim Mukherjee was elected General Secretary.

CP and Berar
The kisan movement ant began in Mahokosal by the great march to Tripuri congress could not keep its momentum. Some conferences were held. Some relief was given to taqavi loans etc. under the pressure of the local movement. There took place the forest satyagraha in Dondi-Lohara (Durg district) for the rights of the kisans. A pleader Sarjuprasad Agrawala and 60 others were arrested and jailed.

In December 1936, a ks was formed in Kalol as part of attempts to for k.s. in CP (Marathi). The Niyamatpur AIKC appointed P.D. Maratha as the organizer for the province. A big march of peasants took place on 28^th November 1937 to the Legislative Assembly in Nagpur, in which more than 1200 people took part. They demanded abolition of malguzari system and distribution of land to the tillers. A provincial kisan conference was convened on 15 April 1938 in Nagpur. The nascent K.S. participated in a big way in the struggle in Umrer tehsil (Nagpur district).

Several people were injured in the picketing of the ‘Kuchehery’, demanding suspension of taqari and other loans. Many were arrested including Magal lal Bagdi, Member AIKC. KIsan Sabha activities in CP (Hindustani) were growing steadily. K.S. was organized in Betul district in a conference held on 25^th Many 1937, presided over by Dr. N.B. Khare. Mhakosal Provincial Kisan Conference was held in MOrkha on 27^th December 1937, presided over by Indulal Yagnik. A huge kisan rally of more than 10,000, including 2000 Gonda, took place.

Orissa : Utkal Provincial K.S. was founded in 1935 by Malati Choudhury and others. The K.S. prepared an election manifesto for the congress. More than 15,000 kisans marched on the streets of Cuttack on Kisan Day. A big march of peasants took place on 28^th November 1937 to the Legislative Assembly in Nagpur, in which more than 1200 people took part. They demanded abolition of malguzari system and distribution of land to the tillers. A provincial kisan conference was convened on 15 April 1938 in Nagpur.

The nascent K.S. participated in a big way in the struggle in Umrer tehsil (Nagpur district). Several people were injured in the picketing of the ‘Kuchehery’, demanding suspension of taqqri and other loans. Many were arrested including Magan lal Bagdi, member AIKC. Kisan Sabha activities in CP (Hindustani) were growing sdteadily. K.S. was organized in Betul district in a conference held on 25^th May 1937, presided over by Dr. N.B. Khare. Mahakosal Provincial Kisan Conference was held in Morkha on 27^th December 1937, presided over by Lndulal Yagnik. A huge kisan rally of more than 10,000, including 2000 Gonda, took place. Orissa: Utkal Provincial Kisan Sabha was founded in 1935 by Malati Choudhury and others. The Kisan Sabha prepared an election manifesto for the congress. More 15000 kisans marched on the streets of Cuttack on Kisan Day. The second provincial kisan sabha was held in November 1937, presided over by Swami Sahajanand

Role of AIKS in 1937 Elections
The Second Session of the AIKS (Faizabad, 26-27 December 1936) clarified its attitude to the general elections of 1937. These elections were being held under the new Constitution introduced by the British rulers in 1935. The AIKS and all the other nationalist organizations and parties had already condemned and rejected the Constitution.

Yet, the Constitution, and particularly the elections held under it, provided certain opportunities, which the nationalist forced wanted to utilize.

Therefore, the AIKS directed its comrades and organizations to utilize the election campaigns to popularize the demands of the peasants and the workers. The All India Kisan Sabha also decided to generally support the congress in the general elections. If offered special support to those congress candidates, who raised peasants’ and workers’ demands.
The Congress Socialist Party (CSP), with which the AIKS had close relations, the meanwhile “welcomed the robust and militant tone of the Congress election manifesto” and pledged its whole-hearted support to the congress.

Prof. N.G. Ranga, President of AIKS, issued a press statement on 17 January 1937 to the effect AIKS had decided to place all its resources all its resources at the disposal of those Congress candidates who pledged themselves to work for the kisans. They were expected to work for achievement of peasant demands, as formulated by the Kisan Congress, and to suitably influence the decisions of the Congress Parliamentary Board.
Andhra Provincial Peasants’ Association had even prepared a pledge form.

Ranga – Patel Controversy
A controversy erupted on this question. On January 20 (1937), Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, who was the President of the A – 1 Congress Parliamentary Committee wrote to the presidents of the various Parliamentary Boards in Madras Presidency on the question of the kisan pledge.

He objected to Prof. Ranga’s statement saying that the AICC had neither discussed the pledge nor decided anything. Ranga’s act was that of gross indiscipline since he was a member of AICC, and hat disciplinary action should be taken against him.

Patel’s statement was replied to by the Joint Secretary of Andhra Provinctial Rots’ Association (APRA) in a statement issued on 22January (1937). He pointed out that neither Ranga nor APRA has asked Congress candidates to disobey the Congress nor give priority to the interests of peasants over the national interests. Unlike the TUC or Congress Nationalist Party, the Kisan Sabha did not decide to run a separate election campaign merely because the Congress agrarian programme fell short of Kisan Sabha expectations.

In fact, Prof. N.G. Ranga had declined the request of Andhra Provincial Ryots’ conference. Ranga alone was not responsible for this pledge but the whole of Kisan Sabha, including many Congressmen. So, Sardar Patel will have to take wholesale disciplinary nation. The APRA N emphasized that the pledge had taken the wind out of the Justice Party campaign. At the same time, it strengthened Congress wherever it had to encounter Zamindari

Prof. N.G. Ranga then, in a sharp statement on 23^rd January (1937), withdraw the statement. Sardar Patel had drawn one sided and undue conclusions in a haste, since Patel had seen the pledge in an unfvaouable light, and since the Kisan Sabha and the peasants in general wanted the congress full victory to strengthen the anti-imperialist front, N.G. Ranga as well as the APRA decided to withdraw the pledge. N.G. Ranga said that the AICC was free to ask explanation.

He was unwilling to prolong the controversy as there was no time. He made it clear that he would furnish details to the Congress after the elections. On the same date, Prof. N.G. Ranga writing about the issue to the Congress Socialist, the organ of the A-1 CSP stated that “As for the threatened disciplinary action against me, I am quite determined to fight every inch of our ground and make it impossible for them to dismiss our leftists with such scant courtesy. I am prepared for all the eventualities.”

The Andhra Provincial Ryots’ Association’s executive withdrew the pledge on 30^th January (1937), approving of the action of N.G. Ranga regarding the pledge. The AIKS and its provincial and other bodies played a crucial role in the Congress victory in the general elections of 1937.

The Congress got absolute majority in Orissa and Bihar. The Congress in Orissa , under the pressure of the Kisan Sabha, announced the abolition of Permanent Settlement in its election manifesto. The feudal lords and the various rajas and princes became quite nervous. People voted overwhelmingly in favour of the zamindari abolition and in support of the Congress. The Congress victory was widely looked upon as the victory of the kisans.

It is interesting to note that an Orissa Provincial Kisan Conference was held earlier, in November (1936) under the Chairmanship of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati; this conference issued a radical manifesto. Under the ever-increasing pressure of the Kisan Sabha, the Provincial Congress Committee was persuaded to issue a Supplementary Election Manifesto.

There was no doubt that the Supplementary Manifesto helped rally kisans in large numbers around the kisans. Thus, the Kisan Sabha played a crucial role in helping Congress victory in the elections. In Bihar also, it was a straight fight between poor kisans and the rich zamindars, which helped the victory of the Congress, and the BPKS played an active and catalytic role in the events.

The assembly elections in U.P., Bihar, Orissa and Bengal were an eye-opener to many. The marvelous success of the Congress war, no doubt, due to the Kisan movement. The questions of kisans versus zamindars and rural poor vs. rich were sharply crystallized in the course of the elections. Even the ‘great’ raja of kanika in Orissa was badly defeated in his own zamindari, a reflection of the strength and upsurge of the kisans.

In Bihar, no congress candidate could win a seat in the Central or Local Upper Chamber because the electorate consisted of feudal landlords (zamindaris), money-lenders and other upper strata. The winners were mostly reactionaries. This was a revelation to those who did not believe that one of the causes of Congress victory was the organization and movement of the kisans along class-lines. They had to admit that the great successes of the Congress in the polls was due to the polarization of ‘kisans versus zamindars’ and ‘rural poor versus the rural rich’. This crystallization was speeded up by the kisan movement.

The PCC of Orissa accepted the manifesto issued by Kisan Sabha in toto, including its demands, and conducted the election campaign on this basis. The result was the weeping Congress victory. The Krishak and Proja (peasants and people’s Party of Fazlul Haque owed its victory in Bengal greatly to the active support of the kisan workers. All India Kisan Sabha, Congress Socialist Party and other progressive forced congratulated the kisans in particular for the victory of the Congress in the general elections of 1937.

It was a magnificent demonstration of the urge for freedom by the peasant masses by rallying round the Indian National Congress during the elections. This showed that despite repressions, the peasants were determined to win their political and economic freedom.

This was also shown in Midnapur, Bengal, where the Congress succeeded in all the five constituencies. It was a district among the most ruthlessly suppressed. The congress organizations were still unlawful, yet its candidates polled the highest number of votes. The elections showed that the big landlords and big businessmen were generally opposed the Indian National Congress, and were with imperialism. The elections, at the same time, underlined the extreme need for an unbroken united front all over the country.

Breaches in it in many places proved harmful to the national and the working class movements. This was particularly indicated by the loses sustained by the TUC (Trade Union Congress) in Bombay city and Nagpur, while it succeeded elsewhere.

It was necessary to forge ahead with mass and primary work of organization and movement in the villages.

In the Madras elections, there was such a polarization that even the rajas and maharajas Bobbili, Challapati, Pithapuram and Venkatagiri and Panagal lost badly. Besides, nearly four dozen candidates directly maintained by them also lost heavily. There was universal victory of the congress and a complete rout of the zamindars. Class conscious Andhra peasantry rallied round the congress. Peasant songs reverberated everywhere.

The AIKS had earlier warned the Congress against accepting the office of ministries after the elections, as it would not be easy to function within the Government of India Act and no substantial good would come out of it.

The real good would come out only through ending the Act and through the destruction of the British imperialist rule. The AIKS in its AIKC meeting (14-15 July 1937) in Niyamatpur, said that since, however, the Congress had chosen t accept office, it should lose no time in taking steps to satisfy the kisan demands, to protect them from the zamindars and to announce a moratorium on all agricultural debts and arrears. It urged upon the Kisan Sabhas to struggle for the same.

The AIKC in its Calcutta meeting (27-28 October 1937) expressed dissatisfaction with the piecemeal and superficial attitude of the Congress towards the kisan problems.

The Congress had accepted office in 7 out of 11 provinces.

Comilla to Gaya ( 1938-39)
The third session of the AIKS was held in Comilla, the headquarter town of Tripura district of Bengal, from 11 to 14 May 1938, under the presidentship of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati. Kamini Kumar Dutta was the chairman of the Reception Committee.

This conference was the first to be held on the basis of delegates duly elected from the provinces. They represented 546800 members. The province-wise break-up of membership was : Bihar – 250000; Punjab – 73000; Andhra Pradesh – 53000; Bengal – 34000; Orissa 18000; Uttar Pradesh – 60000; Surma Valley 15000; the rest in CP (Marathi), CP (Hindustani), Gujarat and Maharashtra.

The report of activities was submitted by the general secretary of the AIKS, Swami Sahajanand Saraswati. He pointed out that the Congress Government did not live up to its promises given during elections of 1937. Some relief was no doubt given through tenancy legislations in the four zamindari provinces of Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal. In the ryotwari and malguzari provinces of CP and Berar, Madras and Bombay, revenue arrears were politically remitted. At the same time, there was hardly any reduction in the rates of land revenue.

The kisans were demanding moratorium on debt payment. Kisan Sabha was conducting regular movement on these and other questions. The Bombay government had abolished forest fees, Sind and Madras governments had halved them.

On the agricultural labourers.
The issue of kisans and khet mazdoors came up at Comilla too, Swamiji said that some people had begun a trade against kisans and Kisan Sabhas, saying that they were exploiters of the khet mazdoors (agrarian labourers).

This way, they were trying strengthen the common enemy of bold the peasants and agricultural labouirers, in the zamindars. Swami Sahajanand made it clear that the agricultural labourers were after all landless peasants. They were deprived peasants, and that is why they were called agricultural labouers. There was no strict line of democration between the two, as the situation kept shifting.

Those who had lands yesterday had none today. Those who have today may lose them tomorrow. Deprived of the lands, they are called khet mazdoors.

He warned that the attempts to wean away agricultural labourers from the kisan sabha and to pit them against the organization were ruinous. The Kisan Sabha was an organization of the exploited. The Khet Mazdoors were the kith and kin of the kisans. The kisans should treat them as their own, and should pay them their living wages according to the best of their capacity.

The Kisan Sabha had raised its voice against the ill-paid and poor conditions of the agricultural labourers. It had also fought their battles in Gaya, Patna, Darbhanga, Mangar, Muzaffarpur and other places.

Controversy with Babu Rajendra Prasad

In this context, as also on other conuts, Swami Sahjanand sharply criticized Baby Rajendra Prasad’s views in his booklets. Sahajanand openly and sharply criticized Rajendra Prasad for claiming that the Congress ministry (of 1937) had done much for the kisans and against zamindari. Rajendra Prasad was also attacked for initiating so-called ‘Khetihar Mzdoor Sangh’ in Bihar in order to weaken the Kisan Sabha.

The Comilla session of the AIKS passed a total of 32 resolutions. The fundamental aims of the kisan movement were clarified through these resolutions. The session declared that class struggle was the aim of the kisan movement, as also the agrarian revolution. The ownership of land vested in the tiller. Agrarian revolution could not be completed within framework of the imperialist rule. Therefore, the Kisan Sabha decided to cooperate with other sections of the people and to work through the Indian National Congress for replacing colonialism and imperialism by a full democratic Swaraj.

The session passed resolutions demanding a Constituent Assembly, and on several other issues. The conference appointed a sub-committee to create a volunteer corps organization, was the Kisan Seva Dal.

BY another resolution, the conference welcomed the growth of the agricultural labourers’ movement and their organizations. It called for a united fight of the kisans for the demands of agricultural labourers.

The Constitution of the AIKS, as drafted by a sub-committee, was discussed. Since certain flaws were detected; a fresh sub-committee was appointed to recommend amendments. Thus, the constitution was finally adopted.

The constitution finalized the structure of the organization of the AIKS.

The AIKC elected at the Session met on 14th May (1938) to elect office –bearers. It elected the following – General Secretary: Prof. N.G. Ranga; joint secretaries: Indulal Yagnik, Bankim Mukherjee, Bedi and Awadheshwar Pd. Sinha, Treasurer: Mian Iftikharuddin.

The conference was followed by a mass rally and open session of about 25 thousand people. The Muslim communalists of the Muslim League, the Krishak Samaj Party ministry of Fazlul Haq and reactionary sections of the congress tried to obstruct the conference, but failed. The Muslim League activists tried to spread pages of Quran on the road while the Muslim kisans were going to attend the rally. But the kisans defined these tactics. Hooligans were let loose against the Hindu kisans, and many of them were assaulted, but these and many other tactics failed.

Events between Comilla (1938) and Gaya (1939) Sessions

Two important AIKC (All India Kisan Council) meetings took place in this period : one on 22-23 September 1938 in Delhi, and the second on 7-8 March 1939 at Tripuri. It was a tense period of the eve of the Second World War,. The AIKS had begun a campaign against the “War Bill” in August 1938. The bill was meant to strengthen the Indian army at the cost of the Indian people, mainly the kisans. It was in 1939 that Subhash Bose, with the support of the left, defeated Pattabhi Sitaramayya for the post of the Congress President. Bose had subsequently to resign.

The AIKC condemned the cold-blooded massacres of the peasants and of the people in general in general in Mysore, Travancore, Kaskmir, Patiala, Sikar, Dhenkanal and other places. The growing revolts of the peasants in the princely states was welcomed by the AIKC.The AIKC warned against fascism and the compromising policies of the British imperialists towards it. The AIKC met again during the Indian National Congress session at Tripuri (7-8 March 1939), under the chairmanship of Swami Sahajanand. Among the important gains was the affiliation of U.P. Kisan Sangh. At this time, important Bakasht movement was going on in Bihar. Kisans of Reora village (Gaya district) had won victories over zamindars under the leadership of Yadunandan Sharma, through mighty and peaceful struggles.

The rein of terror and loot was condemned. Similar struggle was being fought in Barhaiyatal in Mungar district, led by Karyanand Sharma, facing a terrible reign of terror. Bakasht satyagraha and movements were also going on in Lagar Muriar (Shahabad district) Raghopur and Dekuli (Darbhanga district), Annawari (Saran district), etc. These movements became memorable in history. The kisans of Mahakoshal were marching at this time towards Tripuri, due to arrive on 9^th March 1939, to submit their grievances.

The kisans of Munagalac (Andhra) compelled the zamindars to give up forced labour and to pay regular wages to kisans and workers for their work, to lift obstructions on the rural traffic and to stop torture. The AIKC paid homage to the memory of Nagamma, the kisan woman martyr of Tasadum (Chittor district, Andhra). She was brutally killed by the hooligans of moneylenders and landlords. All Malabar Kisan Union was growing strong. It was struggling to put an end to the Jenmi system.

Kisan movement through the Second World War

The outbreak of the Second World War (1939-45) radically changed the political, as well as economic, social and military, situation in India. The country, Asia, Europe and the would entered a different state – that of a grim battle for existence. One of the first results of the outbreak of the war was the resignation of the congress ministries all over the country.

This was primarily in protest against India having been dragged into the War by the British rulers without the consent of its people, without even counting the leadership of the national movement. War was imposed on the Indian people, so also its huge expenditure . No self-respecting people could accept this, and obviously there were nationwide protests.

But the resignation of the Congress ministries deprived the kisan and agricultural workers’ movement of one of the most effective weapons and allies in their struggle against the vested feudal and imperialist interests. These governments had at least created favourable conditions for mass movements, for spread of people’s organizations and for the redressal of at least some of the demands. The outbreak of the War in 1939 led to new severe difficulties in the path of the peasant movement.

First of all, the British government promulgated new Ordinances and Acts, which curbed the rights of peasants and other common people. They put hurdles in the path of their organizational activities. Hundreds of Kisan Sabha activists were arrested all over the country. Many others went underground. The kisan activists began to fan lathicharges and firings on growing scale.

Thus, for the first few months of the War, Kisan Sabhas functioned in a restricted way. The annual session of the AIKS was held in Palasa (Andhra Pradesh) in March 1940. But then it became more and more difficult to function for the Kisan Sabhas during 1940 and 1941. A meeting of All India Kisan Committee (AIKC) was held in Pakala in 1941, but many members could not attend. The political resolution of Palasa (Fifth) session of AIKS declared that the kisans had the highest stake in peace. They along with the workers would challenge the authority of the British government. They would launch mass movement against the Britishers and their local feudal rulers, zamindars and sahukars (money-lenders). The Kisan Sabha decided the struggles in the various parts of the country would soon be integrated into a country-wide no-tax and no-rent movement.

Serious differences were growing within the organization on the eve of the conference between leaders of CPI, CSP, Royists and others. That was affecting the organization. This, fifth, session was held on 26-27 March 1940 in the district of Vishakhapatnam. The authorities tried to create lot of problems for the delegates. The authorities of the Bengal-Nagpur Railway (BNR) and the district administration refused permission to many delegates at the last moment. Also, the stormy and rainy conditions disrupted the arrangements made for the conference.
Yet the conference could be held as scheduled. Rahul Sankrityayan was to preside over but was arrested and sent to jail just on the eve of the conference. The conference was attended by over 100 delegates representing a membership of 2,25,000 from Andhra, CP, UP, Malabar, Bihar, Orissa, Karnataka, Gujarat, Tamilnadu, Punjab, etc.

Those who attended included leaders like Swami Sahaj anand, N.G. Ranga, Indulal Yagnik, Mrs. Ranga, Venkata Narayan Reddy, Dinakar Desai, Bankim Mukherjee, Sohan Singh, Bhakhana and many others. It was Baba Sohan Singh Bhakana who presided over. P. Shyamasundara Rao was the Chairman of the Reception Committee. The conference and the organization was facing difficult situation. Due to repressions, arrests and deliberate hurdles put up by the government, the number of delegates was small. So it was decided to take up certain organizational measures.

It was decided that the General Secretary would be authorized to nominate his successor in order of priority in case of his arrest. Swami Sahajanand was elected the General Secretary. The Joint Secretaries elected in order of priority were : Indulal Yagnik, M.A. Rasul, Bhag Singh and V. Sivalinga Prasad. Swamiji was arrested soon after the conference was over and detained in Hazaribagh under the DIA (Defence of India Act). So, Yagnik succeeded him by nomination. He was in turn arrested a few weeks later, and M.A. Rasul succeeded him. The conference was also marked by a controversy over the election of one of the vice-presidents.

The matter was to choose between Bankim Mukherjee and Mohanlal Gautam. Bankim withdrew his name when Gautam was on the verge of a walk-out. By October 1941, M.A. Rasul resigned as the general secretary, to be succeeded by Gopal Haldar. It was at Pakala meeting in Bellary district of Andhra in October (1941) that those changes were formalized.

MOVEMENTS AND ACTIVITIES

Anti-Japanese Struggle
The AIKS worked under difficult conditions during the war. One of the impending dangers was the advance of the Japanese forces towards the Indian borders. The AIKS in May 1942 demanded urgent measures to fight the Japanese advance and stressed the need to arms the kisans. It said that the peasants had fought the feudal landlords for so long for land. Therefore, they would not yield on inch of land to the Japanese.

The situation Manipur and its capital Imphal was particularly serious. The condition of the people was already deteriorating . Since 1939 when a ban was imposed on the export of rice. Mass of peasants fought against it. They also demanded formation of an assembly. Fresh sufferings were brought by the Japanese bombings during the war. Their troops were concentrating on the borders. Large number of people were evacuated from Imphal and other places, but without making proper arrangements and without giving them any compensation or help. Local markets were closed; the nearest market outside Imphal was Silchar, some 115 miles away. Consequently, there was sharp rise in prices. The army bought a large number of bullocks for war, creating crisis for the peasants.

The sudden attack by Japan on the British naval bases in Singapore and on the U.S. BASE IN Pearl Harbour aggravated the Japanese threat to India. Burn and other neighbouring countries were soon over-run by the Japanese troops.

Assam, Bengal, Manipur and Tripura fell within the war zone. The British and the U.S. troops and war materials were concentrated in enormous numbers and amounts. The Japanese troops crossed the borders into Manipur in March 1944. But they were forced out of the borders soon.

Resignation of N.G. Ranga

N.G. Ranga, a leading figure of kisan movement and AIKS, sent in his resignation letter to the CKC meeting held in September 1942 in Bombay.
Though he did not attend the meeting and did not advance any reasons, it was well-known that he had been developing serious differences with the AIKS on the questions of war and others.

Yet, it was surprising decision because the main resolution on war and the tasks of the kisans at Bihta session of the AIKS held in May 1942 was moved by N.G. Ranga and seconded by Bankim Mukherjee. The conference was a symbol of unity, as the Red Flag of the AIKS was hoisted by Indulal Yagnik and the Congress Tricolour by Bankim Mukherjee.

The All India Kisan Sabha declared that it was unanimous on the question of war. The AIKS advanced the slogan of national defence against fascism, and also of national unity and national government for national defence. The AIKS was of the opinion that people’s resistance required national unity on the basis of Congress-League agreement. It called for the earliest establishment of national government in the centre as well as in the states.

Swamiji’s Dilemma
  The conditions produced by the Second World War put several leaders in a state of dilemma and confusion. This was because they could not decide upon place and role of the national liberation and freedom movement at a time when the threat of fascism was looming large over the horizons. This led to sharp differences and dissensions.

Swami Sahajanand was also deeply disturbed by the deep dissensions in the kisan and the broader left and nationalist movement. He was dissatisfied, in turn, with the attitudes of the Forward Bloc, CSP and CPI leaders. He felt left out and isolated. But he was closer to the CPI, and continued to be so in the later years too.

Memorable Mass Movements
On the eve of the 7^th session of the AIKS was in progress in Bhakna Kalan (Punjab), the CEC received a telegram on 29^th March 1943 informing it of the tragedy in Kaiyyur. The telegram from Malabar conveyed the news that four kisan boys had been hanged in the Cannanore jail the same day. They belonged to the village Kaiyyur. Their names were: Madathil Appu, Abu Baker, Kunhamboo Nair and Chirookandan. They were arrested on murder charges.

The reason was a mass protest movement against the misbehaviour by the   ferocious and infamous Malabar Special Police (MSP) of Madras government. The MSP had been stationed in Kaiyyur area, and they began to maltreat the people. There took place an incident of misbehaviour with a peasant woman. Anger spread among the peasants, and the constable, who had misbehaved, was killed by an angry mob. Te real persons responsible for it could not be traced.

But the MSP and the authorities used this as a pretext to pick up four young activists of the Kisan Sabha, who wee picked up arbitrarily. They were charged with murder of the constable and put on trial. Even the judge admitted that it was not possible to really identify the real culprits, where such a large number of people were involved. Even then he mated out the capital punishment to them. It was a total caricature of justice. Appeals to higher courts and to the Governor-General went unheeded.

Thousands of peasants came out demanding the bodies of the four martyrs, but they were refused, and the bodies were cremated inside the jail itself.

In fact, the Kaiyyur movement had a larger canvas, Kaiyyur was a village in the Hosdurg sub-station of Kasargod taluk in south Canera district, now part of Kerala. At that it was swept by widespread discontent and unrest among the peasants. The reason was that at that time, it was administratively part of Karnataka; therefore its land tenure was under the ryotwari system.

It reality, it was reeling under the Jenmis’ system. Most of the land was owned by the non-cultivating owners, who took exorbitant rents from the peasants. The owners were the ‘Jenmis’; the result of this dual system was that few Jenmis, possessing all the land, were considered ryots and not landlords. The tenants, therefore, could not benefit from the Malabar Tenancy Act (1930), and the Jenmis thus became despotic.

The Kisan Sabha and the movement demanded that the Act be applied to Hosdurg also. This formed the basis of the unfolding mass peasants’ movement in the area. The movement of the peasants had been building up since 1940, when the Jenmis began to forcibly harvest crops sown by the tenants. But the Kisan Sabha volunteers came out to protect the peasants. That was February 1940. The movement began to father force. A massive meeting and procession took place on 28^th March (1940).

A policeman got killed in the melee after the police intervention. The MSP let loose a reign of terror. All Malabar Peasants’ Union was banned. They days later, a terrible cyclone swept Kerala, followed by floods. Damage to agriculture, starvations and deaths followed.

By 1943, the situation became very serious, exacerbated by war conditions. Rice import from Burma was stopped in the name of the war. This spelt disaster for the poor peasants and landless labourers. The Kaiyyur activists were among the first martyrs of Kisan Sabha. They were to become legendary figures all over the country.

Bhakna session of the ASIKS (April 1943) paid glowing homage to these martyrs. The Kisan Sabha organized relief and even the British T.U.s raised funds amounting to Rs. 6600/- for their families. The Bhakna conference proved to be a revival of the AIKS after being forced back by repressions and arrests.

The total membership at this time was 2,85,000 with Bengal, Punjab, Andhra and Bihar as the largest units. The Bhakna session was marked by jovial and relaxed atmosphere. The tents for the delegates were pitched in large numbers on a vast open field. Punjabi hospitality added to the cool and gay atmosphere.

The conference was also attended by Shaikh Abdullah, the leader of the Kashmiri people. There was no Kisan Sabha unit there as yet; he attended by invitation.

The AIKS at Bhakna said that the Kisan Sabha had been vindicated by the fact that the nation’s foremost leader Mahatma Gandhi had reaffirmed the staunch antifascist stand of the congress in his correspondence from behind the bass with the then Viceroy of India Lord Linlithgow. He suggested that, if released unconditionally, he would negotiate with the Muslim League to solve the national crisis. The AIKS opened that by this correspondence, Gandhiji took a clear initiative to solve crisis.

The AIKS stand on food crisis was very important. Its resolution at Bhakna pointed out that the prices of foodgrains had risen 200% and more since the war had begun. That created untold sufferings for the rural poor and the agricultural workers. In this case, an interesting case was that of Kerala. Earlier, lot of rice used to be imported from Burma into Kerala. But after the outbreak of the war, this was stopped, causing starvation in the Malabar and other regions.

There were Japanese bombings in Manipur, Kakinada, Visakhapatnam and other areas, causing terrible losses to common masses and resulting in miserable life. The peasants even lost their bullock carts.

As is well known, the British policies of using war conditions for its own aims led to an unprecedented food crisis and famine in large parts of India including Orissa, Bihar, Assam, Manipur, particularly severely in Bengal, and even in Kerala and parts of central India.

Resignation of Indulal Yagnik
At this time, Indulal Yagnik was a Vice-President of All India Kisan Sabha. He tendered his resignation at the meeting of the Central Kisan Council held at Bombay on 21-25 August 1943. He was of the opinion that the AIKS was dominated by the Communists. There were prolonged discussions on his resignation letter.

The CKC decided not to accept his resignation. Yagnik had alleged that “the Communist members increase their pressure to impose wholesale the programme of their Party on the Sabha.

The CKC replied that it was true that the Communists were numerically larger in the AIKS. But various trends, both the Communists and the non-Communists worked together since the beginning. The Communist did not try to impose their views. The AIKS continued to be independent mass organization of the kisans, with its own independent policies

. Indulal Yagnik did not withdraw his resignation. He remained in correspondence with other AIKS leaders, and was even contemplating a return. Ultimately, he returned to the AIKS in 1953 at the Cannanore session, which he presided over. In his speech he heartily thanked the AIKS for conferring on him “the great honour of presiding over this important session of the All India Kisan Conference”.

Yagnik further stated quite frankly that he was as puzzled as feel honoured by being conferred the honour. “As you are well aware, I have not been in close touch with the All India Kisan Sabha during the last few years. But I believe you have summoned me to the chair here, as I am perhaps one of the very few who helped in founding the All India Kisan Sabha at Lucknow in 1936 and who still remained loyal to the basic principle and policies of the Sabha.”

So, it was clear that though Indulal Yagnik remained out off from the AIKS during this period, he remained its strong supporter and sympathizer , continued to take part in the kisan movement.

Bezwada (Vijaywada) Session, 1944: A Turning Point By 1944, the AIKS has turned the corner. Its membership increased rapidly and organization was strengthened. Its influence grew rapidly.

By March 1944, the membership of the AIKS rose to 5,53,427. It was in the midst of such growth and enthusiasm that the 8^th session was held in Vijayawada, called Bezwada them, on 14015 March (1944). It was presided over by Swami Sahajanand. The session as attended by 297 delegates from 15 provinces. Nearly 100 fraternal delegates from 11 provinces and states also attended it, besides the delegates.

Bezwada conference of the AIKS was spectacular in more than one sense. A big volunteer corps lf kisan youths was formed to manage the conference, consisting of 4000 boys and girls. It was this corps which built the Nagar for the occasion with 70,000 bamboos and thousands of other poles. Large number of squads were formed, consisting 450 persons in all. They covered nearly 2000 villages. More than 15000 bullock carts arrived on the days of rallies on 14^th and 15^th.

Kisan families flocked in large numbers. In all, one lakh kisans took part in the rally. The bullock carts were parked in nearly gardens. This massive procession walked six miles for three hours. The Kisan Sabha flag was hoisted by Bankim Mukherjee, and the ceremony was attended by tens of thousands of people.

Fair and Cultural Programmes A big cattle show or fair was the star attraction of the conference! Different varieties of cattle from various parts of Andhra were on display! The included the famous Ongole breed. The kisans and the delegates took great interest in the show. Besides, the AIKS was a great cultural event too. Artists and others from various provinces and states presented wide variety of both art and culture. The performances were attended by more than 60 thousand people. Lot of political and ideological message was conveyed through these cultural events. It turned out to be quite an effective vehicle of propaganda by kisan sabhas. Another interesting part was that 27 doctors were assigned duties to look after the delegates and to attend to other sanitary duties. They served nearly 5000 patients.

Mass Activities of AIKS
The Bezwada conference was being held in the aftermath of the Great Famine as well as in the broader context of the Second World War, which was nearing its end, but not before causing more ghastly destruction. Devastating famines ravaged vast countrysides in Bengal, Bihar, Kerala, Royalseema areas, Surma valley, Orissa and some other places of the country.

The famine seriously impaired the life in many towns and cities also, particularly in Calcutta. According to the wood head Famine Enquiry Commission of 1944, some 15 lakh people died in Bengal alone, which was an under-statement. The investigations made by Calcutta University put the figure at 35 lakhs. Baniachong village in the Sylhet district ( Surma Valley) was the biggest village in India at that time, with a population of some 40000. Out of this, 9000 were reported to have died due to famine and starvation.

The AIKS and its units and organizations ran countrywide campaign to save the starving millions. Andhra Kisan Sabha offered 20000 mounds of rice to Bengal, but Madras government refused it transit. Rs. 1,25,000 is cash and kind were collected by kisans in Punjab for relief work through the Kisan Sabha. The AIKS cooperated actively witrh IPTA (Indian People’s Theatre Association ) in the Bengal relief work.

Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha organized relief kitchens on a wide scale during the famine. In an important achievement, the BPKS reclaimed more than one lakh acres of land through bund construction and canal-digging. Its local branches helped the local peasantry in the construction of drainage, embankment, irrigation, clearance of water-hyacinth, and other kinds of work crucial to the restoration of life after the famine. These activities led to considerable improvement in the conditions of the local people. The BPKS cooperated with the Bengal Medical Relief Coordination Committee and the People’s relief Committee. The CKC meeting held after the session was over, on 16 March (1944) elected Bankim Mukherjee as the general secretary of the AIKS and Swami Sahjanand as the President.

Anti-Japanese Struggle

It is one of the lesser-known pages of the AIKS history. With the advance of Japanese troops towards and into the Indian borders, and bombings of border areas and ports, the Kisan Sabha began to prepare and train up the rural population for actual guerilla and hand-to-hand combat with the Japanese. Guerilla and armed squads were formed and training was given by the AIKS and other organizations. They were trained to action behind the Japanese lines in case of actual occupation.

At the same time, the nature and intentions of Japanese fascism and of fascism in general were explained to the mass of peasants.

Differences of AIKS with Swamiji
A major but regrettable feature of the Netrakona AIKS session was the controversy involving Swami Sahjanand Saraswati, who till then was its president. In a press statement issued on 2^nd March 1945, Swami Sahjanand tendered his resignation from the presidentship of the AIKS. He said that the decision was painful no doubt but could not be helped.

“The reason for so doing is the de facto Communist domination over “the AIKS. Since the resignation of Indulal Yagnik in the middle of 1943 on the same grounds, Swamiji said, he was trying to pull on with the Communists. But he could not escape the conclusion that they were trying to use the AIKS, and every other institution, to strengthen the Communist Party and propagate their policies. Swamiji alleged that the agreed resolutions had been sought to be interpreted in Communist colours.

“The Kisan Sabha has been sought to be turned into a mere appendage of the Communist Party.”Swamiji admitted that the Kisan Sabha never called the war a people’s war; yet be alleged that the communists had dragged the AIKS into their mire. Swami Sahajanand said that the climax reached in December 1944, at Calcutta, when “we appealed to the congress to join the Kisan Sabha and I asked the Communist comrades to be ready for the implications of the appeal consistently with our position as the independent class organization of the kisans”.

But, Swamiji alleged, the Communists were not ready to accommodate them as they would threaten their absolute majority. Weakening of their hold on the AIKS haunted their minds, he opined. Swamiji said that for these reasons, he decided to leave the AIKS. At the same time, he was not leaving the Bihar Provincial Kisan Sabha, as it was in his breath and there was no question of Communist domination there so far. Through another statement, issued on 13 March 1945, termed the CKC meeting at Calcutta as “unconstitutional”.
He once again raised the question of “Communist maneuvering.

AIKS clarified stand on Swamiji
The AIKC decided in its meeting at Netrakona to send a delegation to Swamiji to discuss the concerned issues. Therefore, Z.A. Ahmed was sent to meet him at Bihta (Bihar) on 18^th April (1945). The AIKS said, the relations with Swamiji were getting strained for quite some time. Therefore, Bankim Mukherjee and Gopal Haldar met him in mid-February 1945 in Bihta.
They had long talks but without agreement. It was proposed to Swamiji that a CKC meeting be called to discuss and decide on the situation, but he did not agree. The AIKS said that Swamiji took the unprecedented and amazing step of issuing a press statement announcing suspension by him of the general secretary, the central office of the AIKS, the Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha and some district kisan sabhas of Bengal.

They were accused of the baseless charge of carrying on “Pakistan Propaganda” in defiance of a CKC resolution. The CKC met in Calcutta on 8-9 March in an emergency meeting to consider the situation. Through his first statement, Swamiji suspended the General Secretary, the central office and the BPKS. These acts of his were undemocratic and unconstitutional.

Under the AIKS Constitution, disciplinary action could only be taken by the CKC. The general secretary personally met Swamiji to discuss and suggest holding a CKC meeting. Swamiji did not think it necessary, but issued a press statement after the General Secretary left. The CKC also made it clear that the AIKS and its bodies never passed a resolution on Pakistan or People’s war. The communists had been a majority is the AIKC, CKC and AIKS. They could have got any resolution passed.

But they never went beyond the commonly-accepted policies of the AIKS. Besides, the resolution inviting the released Congressmen to join the AIKS was moved by the Communists themselves. All the issues were discussed with Swamiji’s participation in the previous CKC meeting. The CKC resolution stated it was regrettable that Swamiji, instead of convening a meeting of the CKC and presenting his grievances and views, took one-sided action on his own. The CKC reminded him of the resolution of the previous open session of the AIKS under his own presidentship.

That session passed a resolution with his consent that “certain anti-national and disruptive groups jealous of the growing strength of the Kisan Sabha are circulating the slander that the Sabha is dominated by the Communists who force their own policy upon the Sabha.” The CKC appealed to Swami Sahajanand to abide by the democratic discipline of the AIKS and to attend the Netrakona session. Bankim Mukherjee, general secretary of the AIKS, in his press statement dated 1^st March 1945, made it clear that Swamiji had no authority to take the disciplinary actions announced by him. Bankim da stated that Swamiji wanted to impose his own choice of office-bearers, with himself as the general secretary.

Bankim da said he had offered to discuss the whole matter including Swamiji’s proposals, but Swamiji did not agree. Swamiji later announced a withdrawal of his letter of resignation in order to try to disqualify the units, members and office-bearers of the Kisan Sabha. He asked the AIKS units not to associate themselves with the “Communist-controlled” organization.

Only such organisations would constitute the real AIKS. Thus, parallel Kisan Sabha organizations came into being led by Swami Sahajanand Saraswati.

Dr. Z.A. Ahmad’s Report Following the decision of the CKC and the AIKS, Dr. Z.A. Ahmad and Karyanand Sharma were delegated to meet Swami Sahajanand Saraswati. Dr. Ahmad met him alone, as Karyanand Sharma was indisposed. They had a detailed mutual discussion. Dr. Ahmad impressed upon him the most important point that the CKC unanimously wished that Swamiji returned to the AIKS. Dr. Ahmad said he knew Swamiji had a number of grievances, particularly against the Communists and the CKC.

But he had not come to discuss them, or to enter into debate. Z.A. Ahmad only wanted to convey the sincere wish of the entire CKC that he should come back and help build the kisan movement and the AIKS. But Swamiji said Dr. Ahmad had come too late. If he CKC wanted to talk to him, they should have told him earlier. Bankim Babu should have convened a meeting about it after he, Swamiji, had taken against him.

Dr. Ahmad clarified that Bankim Babu was already ready to do so and had informed Swamiji about it, and that he had gone to the press only after Swamiji had done so. Swamiji felt that the Communists did not want him. Dr. Ahmad made it clear that this was a totally wrong impression. Swamiji said that now he was only a passive spectator, and would not do anything in the kisan movement. He did not want to become a “dummy president”. He refused point-blank to attend the CKC or AIKC meetings. Swamiji said he had been warning P.C. Joshi and Dr. P.C. Joshi and Dr. Adhikari for the previous two years that unless they changed their methods inside the AIKSm a rival kisan organization would come into being. They did not pay attention. So, if another organization had come into being, he was not to blame. In the end Swamiji said that the present situation had arisen due to the point of snapping.

He had allowed it to snap. He said he had always done that. He had worked with Gandhiji for 14 years but when he pulled the string to the breaking point, Swamiji let it snap. The same thing happened in case of his relations with the CSP and the Forward Bloc, he said. “You have your party to fell back upon”, he said, and “what have I ? There is no rest for me”, he said.

The talks ended at this point. The conference elected a 144 member all India Council, with 21 seats kept vacant. Muzaffar Ahmed was elected the president of the AIKS and Bankim Mukherjee the General Secretary . A CKC was elected with the office-bearers plus 16 members. The conference represented a membership of 8 lakh 27 thousands.

Post-War Situation and the AIKS
Victory over fascism and the end of the Second World War in May 1945 brought a sigh of relief all over the world. Conditions of peace began to be restored everywhere. Forces of peace, democracy, freedom and construction had won over destruction and barbarism. The people and the leaders of the whole world and India rejoiced over this unprecedented victory.

The end of the war opened new horizons for the freedom-loving people. Mass struggles of the people in India and elsewhere in Asia and other parts of the world burst out. There was a mass upsurge in India for class, mass and national demands. National freedom was on the top of the agenda.

MASS KISAN MOVEMENTS , 1945-1947
A large number of widespread memorable mass struggles of the kisans and the rural poor took place in the period 1945-47. They have a place of their own in history. Struggles of Tebhagas, Telangana, Punnapra Vayalar, bakasht U.P. and Bihar, and many others have left their mark on history. These movements were directed against the feudal lords, the system of feudalism and zamindari and its varieties, against the princely states, against the continued colonies and imperialist British rule, and most important, for the very freedom of India.

Thus the movements were multi-faceted, with various aims, objects, directions and colours and political trends, with forms ranging from mass movements to individual actions, with various parties, organizations and leaders becoming active in their own ways as never before – all ultimately contributing to and becoming part of a vast national movement for India’s freedom. We will describe and analyses some of those memorable movements here.

Tebhaga
Tebhaga movement in Bengal began in November 1946 in support of “tebhaga” demands. “Tebhaga” literally meant ‘three parts’. The share-croppers demanded two-thirds of the produce leaving the other third to the owner of the land. This demand had been a long-standing one, and began gathering force by 1946. It moved millions in Bengal, drawing in six millions in 20 districts.

It was an unprecedented and extraordinary mass upsurge. Tebhaga was the biggest, most militant and broad-based class struggle of the kisans of Bengal led by kisan sabha. The deteriorating agrarian conditions during the Second World War, including famine, the colonial policies of the British rulers, and the new conditions after the War favourable to mass struggles, were some of the major reasons for the outbreak of the movement. The movement first started in the organized bases of the Kisan Sabha. Medium and small landowners were ready for compromise. Peasants welcomed it. But the big landlords and jotdars wanted to bide time to play tricks in the name of compromise.

They were planningto get the leaders of the movement arrested. The movement covered the harvesting period of   November 1946-February 1947, and in some areas lasted up to March 1947. Therefore the struggle continued. The peasants took the initiative and decided to distribute the share of the crop themselves. Big mass meetings were held in various placed, attended by thousands of people. They had to face repressions. Women participated actively; they took braved repressions. A large number of whole-timers and cadres had to be trained to sustain the movement. Many villages came forward spontaneously.

The police propaganda and actions against the movement only served to mobilize the mass of kisans behind the movement. Serve police repressions were let loose, particularly in the northern districts of Jalpaiguri, Dinajpur, Rangpur, etc.   Gangsterism by the landowners was on the increase. Many kisans were murdered. The Kisan Sabha and the kisans in general pointed out that in the famine of 1943, while huge numbers of rural population died of hunger, the jotdars hoarded large stocks of foodgrains. Therefore, it was necessary to avoid a repetition of 1943. Councils of Action were formed in the course of struggle.

It was also participated in by the congressmen and the Leaguers in some places, besides the Communists. Such unity came into being in Balurghat, Thakurgaon, Chirir Bandar, etc. But generally, the Congress and the Muslim League opposed the movement and denounced it as indiscipline and anarchist. But in reality the kisans remained fully disciplined and well-organised. They were highly conscious of their aims, objects and methods.

There were no instances of arson, looting, disorder and anarchic acts. By January 1947, the government had to beat a retreat. It was convinced by that time that the movement could not be suppressed. The government to introduce a Tebhaga Bill or the Temporary Bargadar Regulation Bill. This was officially published. At the same time, the repressions continued. They were in full swing from mid-February to mid-March (1947).

Salvaging the movement
As the Tebhaga movement spread and achieved one success after another, its leaders became over-confident. Some were even thinking of converting it into an armed struggle, which would have been armed struggle. P.C. Joshi and others intervened to prevent this hara-kiri. Bhawani Sen in his report to the AIKS conference (tenth, May 1947) at Sikandara Rao, Aligarh, dealt with some of the mistakes committed.

The movement failed to differentiate between different categories of landholders. Consequently, big landholders got the opportunity to rally the smaller one behind them. In many places, Tebhaga Committees acted realistically and gave concessions to small landlords, who in turn supported them. These landlords did not go against the interests of the struggle. The movement also underestimated the need for middle class support. The strength of the kisans in isolation was overestimated.

Besides, no propaganda was conducted even among the working class until repressions started. It was necessary to create a united front among the people, but that was not done. The tenth congress of AIKS clarified that it was essential to create a national united front in support of the movement; otherwise it would not survive.  Besides, the legislative –constitutional side of Tebhaga movement was also underestimated. Mass movement by itself could not secure demands unless they were enacted by the legislatures. Not much campaign was actually conducted to legislation by the leadership of the movement. Propaganda for passing Tebhaga bill was necessary but that was not done.

Certain features of Tebhaga and other peasant movement   18.03.2011
Actually, the Tebhaga movement was an expression of the deepening crisis and growing fissures in the agrarian-colonial economy, particularly after the Second World War. A number of peasant movements in 1930s and 40s reflected these trends. Parts of Bengal had long traditions of borrowing by the peasants under various systems. One of them was the “Adhiar” system, under which the ‘adhiar’ or the sharecropper had to take ‘karja’ or to borrow seed paddy and consumption paddy from the jotedar/landlord; he had to pay exorbitant rate of interest for it.

The interest payment took various froms like ‘dera-bari’, ‘duno-bari’, ‘dar-kara’ etc. Under these systems, the amount of paddy borrowed increased by 50 to 100 percent. Added with other illegal exactions made upon the share-holders kept them in perpetual bondage and semi-slavery. A widespread movement took place in 1939-40 in the north Bengal districts like Dinajpur, Jalpaiguri etc. These movement were launched were launched essentially to demand a reduction in the rate of interest paid to the jotedar for the paddy borrowed. The‘adhiars’ were so called because they got half of the produce. Many people think that the movement was launched to raise their share from half to two-thirds.

But this is a wrong impression. The Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha played the central role in these movements. In the pre-partition Bengal, the custom, imposed by the landlords, was for the paddy to be carried to the place of choice of the jotdar’s by the adhiar, thrashed there, and then the division to be made. Opposed to this system, the adhiars demanded the paddy should be taken to the adhiars’ own ‘khamar’ (place). The Kisan Sabha asked the share-croppers, the ‘adhiars’, to take the paddy to their own places and ask the jotedars to come and collect their share. The Kisan Sabha gave directions as to what to do if the jotedars did not agree, and also suggested forms of struggles. With this call, the ‘adhiars’ got quickly mobilized. Volunteer forces were organized in above mentioned districts.

The ‘adhiars’ actually collected harvest at their own places. The jotedars and the local authorities took retaliatory actions. This led to a widespread revolt among the peasants. Many were arrested. Under the pressure of continued mass movement, in meetings of 10 thousand peasants in Thakurgaon in Dinajpur, the District Magistrate declared that a committee of the representatives of adhiars and jotedars, along with the Sub-divisional Magistrate would be formed. The committee would settle the disputes and paddy would be stocked at places commonly agreed by the adhiars and jotedars.

It was agreed that the threshing floors will be fixed jointly, paddy would not be taken to the jotedars house if the adhiars objected, no interest would be charged for seed advanced, seed would be supplied half-half by each party, for outstanding paddy loans, jotedars will not take more than one-third of the share of ‘adhiars’ paddy without consent, receipts would be given for settlements, a board with three representatives from each side and the SDO would oversee the implementation of the agreements, etc. ‘Hat-tola’ movement (against taxes in the ‘hats’ or local bazaars) had paved the way for the adhiar movement.

In turn, the adhiar movement created conditions for more organized and politicalised movements of Tebhaga and others in the 1940s. The peasants began to recognize Kisan Sabha (‘Krishak Samiti’) as their own. Thousands of peasants got themselves enrolled as its members. They began to greet each other saying ‘Inquilab Zindabad’, with red flags and lathis in their hands. There also took place the famous Anti-Tonka movement in Mymensingh in the 1940s. Tonka was a fixed – payment-in –kind system by the tillers to the landowners. At that time, the produce rents used to be divided into two categories: (1) rent as a particular proportion of total produce; (2) rent at a fixed amount irrespective of the amount of produce. In this case, the second system prevailed, known as ‘Tonka’.

The Kisan Sabha launched massive and militant movements against this system. The second phase of the Tonka movement coincided with Tebhaga movement (1946-47).

Certain features and contributions of Tebhaga
The decision to launch the Tebhaga movement in September 1946 by the BPKS was somewhat hasty, in the sense that the organizational preparations were inadequate, at least initially. According to the AIKS there were several important reasons that necessitated the Tebhaga movement. One, mass evictions of tenants and sharecroppers was taking place.

Two, the age-old practice of supplying loan of paddy to the share-cropper for his sustenance between sowing and harvesting had been discontinued. Three, even sale of paddy at black-market rates to the share-cropper only if he agreed to virtual sale of his land or homestead or cattle, and also pay high rates of interest going up to 300 percent. Four, refusal to pay the share of the sharply increased cost of production, to supply seed or manure or to increase the share of the crop.

From this situation, certain demands followed, which were clearly formulated by the AIKS. Some of them were formulated as follows:– The bargadars or the sharecroppers should get 2/3 share of the produce and the landowner one-third; the bargadar should be given the occupancy right in the land he cultivated; no interest on the paddy borrowed; stopping all the illegal exactions (‘abwabs’); receipt for the share received; paddy to be stacked not in the farmyard of the landlord bat of the bargadar. On the basis of these demands, a number of popular slogans were developed, such as ‘not half but two-thirds of share’ (in Bengali adhi nai, tebhaga chai’), ‘we shall sacrifice our lives but not paddy’ (‘jan dibo tobu dhan dibona’) etc.

According to the General Secretary’s report of the AIKS for 1945-47, there were at least 19 districts where the movement spread. On the basis of various reports, out of 26 districts of the pre-partition Bengal, 24 were significantly affected to various degrees. There were only two districts where the movement did not spread on any significant scale. The announcement by the govt. of the intention to bring forward a bill in the Provincial Assembly in this regard, gave an official legitimacy to the tebhaga demand. The movement spread to new areas where the organization as such was weak. In many areas, the bargadars now began to collectively snatch away their due share from the fields.

Tebhaga movement was a well-organised one. Its network spread from provincial, district and sub-divisional levels to the very grass-roots levels. The village committees of the Krishak Samiti were very active. Communist Party provided active support and even leadership. Agricultural labourers and poor peasants   provided leadership in many places, and that led to militant and active movement. Tebhaga Committees were also formed apart from the village level committees of the Kisan Sabhas.

They were something like the councils of the elders. They were more broad-based. They also directed the volunteer corps. Tebhaga committees were asked to form legal aid committees to conduct   law-suits in the cities. They kept close watch on the movement of the jotadars and police. In case of differences within these committees, the matters were referred to the general meeting of the peasants. In case of necessity, the committees also looked after the families of the peasants. The volunteer forces took up the responsibility of maintaining communications, collecting information, collective harvesting of paddy, carrying it o bargadar’s farmyard, resistance to police and jotedars, etc. In fact, every supporter of the struggle was considered a volunteer. A regular volunteer force was framed by people chosen among the volunteers. A ‘bahini’ under the direction of a captain was formed in each Tebhaga Committee or Union Krishak Samiti. Out of every 10, one was a ‘nayak’. They were trained, and met regularly every 15 days.

They also took up the job of ploughing and harvesting collectively.  A call was give for one volunteer, one lathi and one rupee from every house. The initial success of the movement encouraged the BPKS to take much more militant stand in the struggle. The peasants came forward to get organize even where there were not Kisan Sabhas or the Communist Party. Carrying a lathi and a red flag was a regular feature, a sign of solidarity. They greeted each other saying:
“Inquilab Comrade! The volunteers established their own rule in many areas. Imposition of Section 144 by the authorities was met with the imposition of Section 145 by the volunteers! Theft and crimes came to an end in the villages. Whenever needed, the volunteers   organized limited armed resistance to the police and jotedars’ men.

Participation of women Participation of women was an important feature of Tebhaga struggle. They took part not only in forcible harvesting and carrying away of paddy but also in heroic resistance to the police. Women became members of the Kisan Sabhas in large numbers. They even insisted on their membership, arguing as to why only men be enrolled and not women. In the event of police attacks, when the men-folk had to leave the villages, it was the women who faced then or carried paddy or harvested on so on.

Many of them sacrificed their lives in fight with the police. They participated in meetings and struggles with broomsticks, choppers, husking-poles etc. they formed communication networks and shelters etc. In Jalpaiguri, an old mother organized 500 men and women, and surrounded a police camp for two days, harvested and carried away paddy. There were several cases of women snatching rifles from policemen.

Phases of Tebhaga movement
Led by the AIKS and the BPKS, the Tebhaga movement was carried on in three phases: the first phase lasted from November 1946 to the middle of January 1947; the second phase from the middle of January 1947 to the end of February 1947, and the third phase from the middle of February 1947 to the end of March 1947. During the first phase, the movement began in relatively more organized bases of the Kisan Sabha. The main feature of this phase was that the peasants were successful to a limited extent to harvest and carry away paddy to their own places. By the middle pf December the movement spread to 11   districts. The main tactics was collective harvesting of paddy.

The BPKS leaders like Krishnabinode Ray, Muzaffar Armed, Abani Roy and others condemned the arrests of hundreds of activists. The BPKS issued a stern warning to the peasants not to do any provocative act, to observe perfect discipline, not to attack jotedars’ houses and not to kill the jotedars. Mahatma Gandhi, through a statement, expressed the opinion that the Tebhaga demand was justified. On 4^th January 1947, an agricultural labour and a poor Santhal were killed. On 22^nd January 1947, Bengal Bargadars Temporary Regulation Bill was officially published. This began the second phase of the movement. The movement spread far and wide.

The Bill had conceded two major demands: security of tenure and 2/3 share of produce. By another clause, the Bill provided that if the owner supplied ploughs, cattle and other implements the share payable to the landlord would be half. The BPKS asked for immediate enactment of the Bill and its implementation. It also called for correction of serious defects in the Bill, such extra-ordinary powers to the district magistrate, right of eviction by the jotedars etc., absence of receipt etc. The most distinguishing characteristic of the second phase was the spread of the movement all over Bengal landless labourers also took part in large numbers. Great successes were achieved during this phase. The BPKS divided to organize a ‘Kisan Fauz’ (‘army’) .

The third phase of Tebhaga movement began with a firing on kisans in Khanpur village in Balurghat Subdivision, on 20^th February 1947. 22 peasants were killed. The incidents began with the arrest of peasant leaders on 15^th February, followed by police attack on the village later, mass protests, and then firings. The police had come to arrest more leaders. Incidents took place in several other villages too. The attitude of the government began to harden at this time. Besides, a trend in the movement was growing, which wanted to adopt large scale guerilla warfare. This only played into the hands of the government. The party (CPI) intervened in time under the leadership of P.C. Joshi, and discouraged them from taking recourse to this method. Besides, in the broader context, the communal tension in the province and country as a whole was growing. To an extent, that also affected the movement. This, the movement came to and end by March 1947.

Peasant Movement in U.P. : Late 1930s – Early 1940s U.P. had a long tradition of militant and widespread kisan movements. It was closely connected with the national movement as well as with the Kisan Sabha. ‘No rent-no tax’ movement of 1930s and several growing movements of the decade helped in a big manner to the establishment of the AIKS in its Lucknow conference. U.P. Kisan Sabha was formed in the wake of this conference. U.P. produced some of the outstanding kisan leaders like Rahul (whom Bihar can equally claim), Acharya Narendra Deo, and Mohan Lal Gautam, K.M. Ashraf, H.D. Malaviya and others. Historic “Lucknow March” of over a lakh a peasants took place on 1^st March 1938.

The period upto the Second   World War was one of very active mass peasant struggles. Peasants celebrated 15^th October 1939 as ‘Victory Day’ all over U.P. as the U.P. Tenancy Bill came into effect in September that year. Large scale evictions of tenants took place during 1940-45, when more that eight lakhs were affected. Ruthless collection of rent, beatings, tortures, etc. was the order of the day. The government also imposed compulsory grain levies irrespective of whether he was subsistence farmer or not.

Coercive methods were used to collect war funds. The growing offensive of the landlords and the government and the mounting burdens caused the peasants to join the Quit India Movement of August 1942. Thus class and nationalist demands got combined. Eastern U.P. in particular became an active centre of peasant revolts.

Attempts at Split in Kisan Sabha
The war conditions, the heated discussions on policies to be adopted, mutual distrust , disagreements of some Kisan Sabha and Communist leaders on 1942, and anti-Communist positions of some rightwing congressmen and socialist leaders led to the conflicts and splits in the U.P. Kisan Sabha as well as in some other places S.P. Tripathi, Shankar Dayal Tiwari, Purushotham Ad Tandon, Acharya Narendra Deo, Algu Rai Shastri and some others were involved one way or other in the formation of rival kisan sabhas. Between 1940 and 1945 , the Kisan Sabha suffered dissensions and splits, mainly due to rightist Congressmen.

Post - War Movements
The end of the Second World War created new conditions for the kisan movement in U.P. as also in the rest of the country. Hectic activities were going on towards the transfer of power. General elections were held in 1946, though based on a limited franchise, and an interim government was constituted with Pt. Nehru as the Prime Minister. U.P. Kisan Sabha organized a ‘Kisan Demands Day’ in April 1946. The demands included abolition of zamindari without compensation; ends of debts on peasants; end to repressions, curbs on the blackmarketeers; distribution of essential commodities to the rural poor through fair price shops, etc.

After a lapse of several years, the Kisan Sabha organized public meetings, processions and demonstrations in a large number of districts. After years of ban on political activities, open mass actions were possible. Besides, peasants were becoming part of mass post-war upsurge. The Kisan Sabhas and the kisans in general, organized fresh round of protests against the compulsory grain levies, harassments and excesses.

Patwaris were exposed to have maintained deliberately faulty records. This along with drought brought full burden on the share-croppers. Their mass protest movements were conducted in Meerut, gonad, Aligarh, Basti, Rai Bareilly, Unnad and many other places. Movements were launched aginst the Sheikh of Chetra, Raja of Shohvatgarh, and many other places. Large number villages like Silhorwa, Dundwa, etc. were looted by the landlords’ henchmen, destroyed, huts of the poor were burnt down etc.

The peasants and bataidars countered by occupying ‘sir’ lands under direct cultivation of zamindars on large scale , social boycott of zamindars so that their lands remained fallow, harvesting and carrying harvest to their homes, and other ways. The most popular Kisan Sabha leaders were repeated by implicated in cases of violence. The Kisan Sabha launched struggles in four estates of Rai Bareilly – Tikari, Sheogarh, Kurri Sadauli and Raja Mau. The kisans protested against evictions, beggar, cutting of trees, demolition of huts and low wages.

The peasants in Kurri Sadauli marched in thousands, and their movement bore fruit as eviction and beggar was stopped and lands of the evicted tenants were restored. In Sheogarh, Munshi Kalika Prasad and Jitendra Tiwari were sought to be attacked and arrested, but the attempts failed. Many other leaders in U.P. were arrested or implicated in cases. Six thousand peasants protested in rally to protest attempts to arrest Jitendra Tiwari, and 12 thousands came out to prevent arrest of Kalika Prasad. In Sablaman estate also, beggar was stopped and right to access to forest was won. IN Unnao, goondas tried to burn ‘Marx Nagar’ and attack Kisan Sabha workers. The movement was successful and right to ‘parati’ land was won and wage increase obtained.

Ram Sajivan emerged as a hero. Leaders like Sheo Kumar Mishra, Ram Gulam Singh and others were arrested. Government distributed ‘taqqavi’ loans, opened cheap grainshops and undertook employment programmes for the landless poor. Sarjoo Panda, Jharkhande Rai, Jai Bahadue Singh, Pabbar Ram, Surya Narayan Rai, Ganesh Pal, Munshi Gajadhar Singh and many oithers emerged as the leaders of the Kisan Sabha movments in U.P. in the 1940s. The movements against ‘begar’ and ‘nazrana’ spread to many districts such as Ballia, Azamgarh, Ghazipur, Gorakhpur, Jaunpur, Agra, Jhansi, Aligarh, Sultanpur, etc.

Thousands of acres of lands were restored to the tenants. The agricultural labourers participated in the occupation of ‘banjar’. ‘parati’ and ‘usar’ lands.

Question of abolition of zamindari
The continued mass movements under the leadership of the AIKS, and those outside it too, brought the question of zamindari abolition and security of tenure of the cultivators to the fore. Under the mass pressure of peasant movements, the government introduced a resolution in August 1946 in the Assembly. It called for the acceptance of the principle of abolition of zamindari and for appointment of a commission to go into the related questions. At the same time, a big offensive was launched against the Kisan Sabha and Communist activists. It was perhaps planned to paralyse their activities in this way. DIR was also used. The landlords too began new rounds of attacks. As a result, more than 60 activists of Kisan Sabha including Mahesh Chandra Chauhan at Etawah were murdered. More than 800 were put behind the bars. A meeting of the U.P. Kisan Council was held on 15 December 1947.

It passed resolutions demanding enactment of zamindari abolition laws at earliest, and without giving any compensation. Only petty landlords may be helped. The resolution also called for a ceiling of 25 acres, distribution of land to the tiller, security of tenure to the ‘sikmis’, ban on sub-letting, restoration of the evicted, distribution of ‘banjar’ and similar lands, correction of land records etc. Struggle against Tehri State A major event in this period was the mass peasants’ movement in Tehri state led by the Kisan Sabha, with Narendra Saklani at the head of the movement. Tehri state consisted of 2465 villages with a population of 5,37 lakhs. It was ruled by a king, and the worst form of feudalism prevailed there. Some of the feudal forms were ‘begar’, ‘prabhu seva’, ‘nazrana’ etc.

Free hospitality to the officials on tour was quite common. There was a hated tax on the movement of goods in and out of the state, known as ‘paun toti’. King was the some owner of land, and 95% of the peasants were indebted. The king’s officers were very oppressive and corrupt, and were hated by the peasants. The peasants began to resist the oppressive feudal practices.

They organized volunteer corps and began to chase the officials out. Big meetings of the peasants took place on 21 April 1946, and a Memorandum to the Tehri Assembly was prepared, against ‘Nazrana’ and for right to land. In June 1946, the king abdicated fearing a major peasant outburst, announced the merger of the state with U.P., and took shelter in Mussoorie. Still, the rule of the Maharaja continued Nagendra Nath Saklani was sentenced to 11 years’ imprisonment.

Struggles in various other provinces
The period 1945-47 saw a wider scale of mass peasant movements, most of them led by the All India Kisan Sabha and related organizations. The Kisan Sabha led and organized a number of peasants’ struggles in Gujarat. It fought for the abolition of the ‘Hali’ system: the Halis were serfs in Surat and other places. Consequently, their wages could be raised somewhat. A 40-day strike of the seasonal labourers took place in Chikli taluk conducted by the Kisan Sabha. It led to a 25% increase in their wages.

The Kisan Sabha also led a month – long strike of the tobacco workers in Anand, resulting in 25% increase in their wages. The Kisan Sabha in the Surma Valley was a powerful organization. It raised various issues including that of the abolition n of landlordism. Due to the efforts of the Kisan Sabha to get the Sylhet Tenancy Act amended, the bill was introduced in Assam Assembly in March 1946. But the Governor banned it. As a result, the kisans lost their patience, and began a mass struggle for land, against eviction, for non-payment of rent at their enhanced rates, and for Tebhaga rights. The kisans of Cachar district, led by the Kisan Sabha, were in the lead. A partial victory was achieved.

The kisans under the Red Flag of the Kisan Sabha fought another important battle. As a result, the flag became very popular among the kisans. The issue was the creation of artificial fisheries at the expense of summer cultivation of paddy. One of the kisans was shot dead by a fishery lessee. Kisan Sabha grew rapidly due to there struggles.  The most important struggle of the Surma Valley was fought at Udarbund. 65% of the peasants owned no land. The Kisan Sabha called upon the kisans to refuse to pay half-share to the owners unless the latter bore half the expenses. Armed police were posted, many were arrested and a reign of terror let loose.

Ultimately, a compromise was satisfactorily reached. The police was withdrawn, the zamindars were forced to stop eviction and to pay half the cost of cultivation of ‘Bhagi’ (share-crop). The movement even received widespread support from the Congressmen.  Very big, widespread and militant movements took place in Bihar in 1946. Bihar also had been hit by the famine of 1943.

This, along with other factors, had worsened the conditions of the rural poor in the province. By 1946, the food situation had become unbearable. Hoarding and black-marketing was rampant. The agrarian situation in general was also extremely serious, dominated as it was by rampant feudalism. Bihar Pradesh Kisan Sabha took up these and the related issues in earnest. The BPKS concentrated on the following issues – unearthing hoarded grains; securing supply of cloth and other commodities; establishment of tenancy rights in Bakasht lands; commutation of rent in kind into rent in cash by changing ‘Bhowlai’ system increase in daily wages, etc. The Kisan Sabha organized dehoarding in more than 20 places in Bhagalpur, Munger, Darbhanga, Hazaribagh, etc. Bakasht movement in Bihar was among the historic movements organized by the Kisan Sabha. The first wave of Bakasht swept Gaya, Shahabad and Munger districts in April-July 1946.

The kisans asserted their occupancy right on nearly 5000 acres of Bakasht land. Out of this, the battle for 2000 acres was led by the Kisan Sabha. The second wave took place towards the end of 1946. This took place after the horrible communal riots that swept the province. Even then, the struggle was launched a much wider scale, and also included Singhbhum, Manbhum, Champaran etc. districts. The kisans harvested paddy from 10000 acres of Bakasht land. The Bhowali system was very acute in Bihar. Under it, the peasants had to past 45 per cent of their gross product, that is 18 seers out of every maund. The system covered vast areas of occupancy land.

The zamindars sold at least one crore maund of grains every year in the black market. Bihar Kisan Sabha led the struggle of the kisans on the question of ‘bhowli’. Kisans of 200 villages harvested and appropriated ‘Bhowli’ paddy on over one lakh acres and did not give it to the zamindars. Half of such a harvesting was done by the Kisan Sabha. Kisan Sabha and agricultural labourers During those days, the agricultural labourers had no separate organization of their own. They were pact of the Kisan Sabhas. Yet, several important movements and even states of the rural labour were initiated by the AIKS. Among them were the strikes of the agricultural labourers organized in various districts of Bihar, such as Saran, Champaran, Darbhanga, Munger, Bhagalpur, Mazaffarpur, etc. It was a successful movement and led to the ‘begar’ being stopped and cash wages raised by three to four annas. Grain wages were also raised.

The agricultural labourers also joined the kisans in Bakasht and other movements. These two classes fought their common enemies together, such as the feudal and the imperialists. Widespread movements, 1946-47 During the one year between 1946 and 1947, an unprecedented wave of kisan struggles swept various parts of India. From Malabar to Assam and Kashmir to Madras, the peasants virtually rose in revolt, not only for their class and sectional demands but also for country’s independence. The AIKS played a crucial role in these movements. The feudal and British imperialist forces unleashed unprecedented repressions all over the country. Ordinances were promulgated by various governments and authorities, kisan workers were detained on a large scale, special armed forces were deployed in the areas of kisan struggles, villages were looted and pillaged, and virtual martial law was enforced in various areas.

More than 20 thousand kisans were arrested all over the country. A large number were killed in the cold blood. Despite savage repressions, the Warlis in Maharashtra launched widespread movement. They succeeded in abolishing serfdom. Peasants in many other areas were able to reoccupy land from which they were forcibly ejected. The kisan movement and kisan sabha got strengthened as never before. Struggle agains famine and riots, for freedom The AIKS launched massive movements to strengthen the hands of the national leadership to force imperialism to Quit India by June 1948, as promised in the Mountbatten Award. The AIKS fought for national unity for independence. The AIKS had to help the kisans to tide over long years of famine and starvation in large parts of the country, which disrupted the fabric of Indian rural society. But this time, communal tension had reached a breaking time.

It proved to be a hell of a time for the AIKS to protect the kisan from falling into communal frenzy and preserve their unity in struggles. It goes to the credit of the AIKS and its units that it launched and conducted massive united kisan movements at a time when the communal frenzy was growing rapidly on the eve of the partition of the country. In its Sikandra Rao (Aligarh) session in May 1947, the AIKS supported the demand for transfer of power to the Indian government, in which both Congress and Muslim League were represented.

It called upon them to ensure the withdrawal of the British troops; nationalization of British concerns, industries, banks and plantations in lien of Sterling balances; and to consider any attempt by the British government to contact the Indian states directly as a hostile act against India’s independence. The AIKS declared its support for a new democratic constitution. At the same time, the AIKS opposed several anti-popular measures of the government at the centre and in several provinces. The AIKS regretted the appeasement of the landlords followed by some popular governments. It also condemned the hostility of some of them to the kisan sabhas.

Their actors tried to breach the relationship between the national movement and the kisan movement. The AIKS emphasized the need for national united front to press for the transfer of power, and also for a real cooperation between the popular governments and the popular organizations. The new All India Kisan Committee met the next day after the Sikandra Conference, and elected office bearers. Karyanand Sharma was made the President and M.K. Rasul the General Secretary of the AIKS. AIKS and Indian Independence India became free on 15 August 1947. The AIKS, along with the kisans and people of India, enthusiastically celebrated the country’s freedom from the long British colonial rule. The AIKS and its units participated actively in the countrywide celebrations of achieving freedom.

1947 to 1953: From Strong AIKS Organisation to Disarray After the Sikandra Rao, the next AIKS conference could be held only after a gap of 7 years, at Cannanore in 1953. This tally the story of decline and disintegration of the AIKS, caused by leftwing sectarianism and suicidal adventurism that gripper the kisan movement. The situation in India’s peasant movement was very complex and complicated. The country had been partitioned into India and Pakistan. Besides, there were more nearly 600 princely states, with a large number of them yet undecided about joining India. These princely states were the hotbeds of feudal relations. Communal tension was very high, with mass migration in both directions, and hundreds of thousands killed in massacres and programmes. The Indian government and its police, army and administrative very weak. Besides, the British rules had left behind a backward colonial economy.

As a result, our country, at the time of freedom, was economically, politically, socially and culturally very weak. At the same time, our police and army were also weak. This situation suited the imperialists very well. The period 1947-48 was very fruitful for the kisan movement. The kisans in general, and those led by the kisan sabha in particular, conducted several activities. From the outset, the AIKS demanded abolition of the zamindari system. This remained the main plank of the kisan movement in the immediate post-independence period. “Land to the tiller” and “Abolition of landlordism” became widespread slogans – as well as objectives.

The AIKS also opposed the drastic reduction in peasants’ grain prices and the increase at the same time of prices at ration shops. These measures adversely affected both the kisans and the agricultural labourers. Hundreds of thousands of kisans in ryotwari areas like Bombay and Madras, as well as in the Sir and Khudkasht lands in zamindari areas were being evicted. These lands were being worked by the kisans since generations. Their eviction was carried out in the name of self-cultivation”. Millions of kisans and their families joined the growing army of landless labourers, who thus constituted more than half of the rural population in many areas.

The Kisan Sabha fought against the unserious Sahakari debts of kisans, agricultural labourers and serfs. The kisan Sabha pointed out that the congress government created such complicated system of innumerable laws that they further dragged the peasants deeper into debts. “Kisan News” Journal The All India Kisan Sabha began a new venture in November 1947, when it published the first number of its regular journal

Kisan News.
Earlier, AIKS used to issue bulletins in typed or printed sheets. They were meant for units and members. Now, it felt that the bulletins were not enough. The AIKS said that the struggles of the kisans were no longer confined to small local actions. They had spread far and wide. Mighty battles were being fought in the provinces and the states. The AIKS had created traditions of Hasnabad and Sheikhpura, Warli and Hajong. Therefore, to cover such a wide area of activities, the AIKC at Sikandra Rao had decided to start publishing the Kisan News.
It was the first organ of the revolutionary kisan struggle led by the AIKS. The AIKS said that the need for such a journal could not be overestimated. The activities of the Kisan Sabha were essential to save the country from ruin and chaos.

The most urgent and primary task in the given situation was agrarian. It meant a radical change in the existing land tenure system through abolition of landlordism and rent system, and making peasants owners of their land. Agrarian revolution was also needed for economic reconstruction and social well-being of the country. It would also open up the prospects of industrial expansion and creation of jobs. These developments would create a peaceful atmosphere for the social progress of the country. AIKS Memorandum on “Food Crisis in India The All India Kisan Sabha submitted a Memorandum in 1947 on “The Food Crisis in India” to the Foodgrains Policy Committee. It consisted of two parts, and covered a wide range of topics and problems. It stated that the food situation in India was extremely grave; therefore, the appointment of the new Foodgrains Policy Committee had come not a moment too soon. The food deficit had ranged from 4.5 to 7 million tons in 1946 and 1947.

The Gregory Committee has stated that the daily ration for an adult must not fall below 16 oz(ounce). In Bengal, the ration had been reduced from 19 to 8 oz. The document dealt with various aspects in a comprehensive manner, particularly on famine. Control and rationing was necessary. The document was a comprehensive one and very timely. It covered various aspects of the problem in depth, with lots of facts and figures. Zamindari Abolition in Madras The Congress ministry in Madras province brought a bill in 1947 providing for the abolition of zamindari system. It also provided for the conversion of zamindari rents into Ryotwari land revenue.

The AIKS congratulated the ministry for such a step fulfillment of the pledge in the Congress manifesto for the elections of 1945. At the same time, the AIKS made constructive criticism of many aspects of the bill. 162 lakh acres of land in Madras were owned by the zamindars. They collected rents from the ryots and handed over a portion to the government as revenue. The total rent collected was Rs. 2, 06, 05, 981; the government got only Rs. 47, 35, 192. The rest, that is Rs. 1, 48, 70, 789 was grabbed by the zamindars.

This amount remained virtually unproductive and useless. There was a huge difference in the rents between zamindari tenure and ryotwari tenure, even to the extent of ten times. The rent reduction would provide the much needed relief to the rack-rented peasantry. The surplus in the hands of the cultivators could be invested in various improvement works.  The AIKS also demanded a guarantee against absentee non-cultivating ryots. Problems of organization in communal situation The Central Kisan council in its meeting of 24^th November 1947 discussed the grave situation in the formation of Kisan Sabha Organisation due to serious and high communal tension in Bengal, Punjab and several other states. The CKC said that the organizational position of the Kisan Sabha had been appreciably weakened due to the communal trouble. The strength of the Kisan Sabha was determined by the number of rural people who were drawn into it as its members.

The AIKS asked its units not only to fulfill their targets by the end of December 1947, as set by Sikandra Rao session but also to go far ahead. The CKC said that Punjab was in complete chaos. So its weakness had to be made up. That was the most important and urgent task. Rival Kisan Sabhas Several rival kisan sabhas were started in different parts of the country since the Netrakona session (1945) of the AIKS. The most important one was called Hind Kisan Sabha, set up in Bombay in 1945-46.

Two meetings of several congressmen were held there in September 1945 and July 1946. They came from different groups including the Congress Socialist Party and Forward Bloc or the congress alone. Among them were such well-known figures as Purushottam Das Tandon, Swami Sahjanand Saraswati, and Sampurnanand, Acharya Narendra Dev, N.G. Ranga, Mohanlal Gautam, Sheelbhadra Yajee, Algurai Shastri and others. Another kisan sabha was formed by the CSP in Bengal, but it soon became defunct. A third kisan organization was established in Maharashtra. N.G. Ranga had formed one in Andhra. Both of them were not very active or effective.

In Bihar, there came into being three kisan sabhas, each of them having some activity. The AIKS had been facing trouble within for quite some time, particularly in the context of the characterisation of the Second World War and the tactics of the movement to be consequently to be followed. N.G. Ranga had left the AIKS in September 1942; Indulal Yagnik left the next year, although he returned in 1953; Swami Sahjanand Saraswati finally left in 1945. All these events did weaken the movement and the organization of Kisan Sabha. But in the course of time, the AIKS regained much of the lost ground. The AIKS was to suffer a lot from the splitting activities later during the independence. Kisan movement gripped by Suicidal Left – adventurism The initial post-independence months clearly showed that the kisan movement in India and the AIKS were gearing up to work in the situation. They were working new strategies and tactics, and were on way to a reorientation.

The AIKS had become a powerful all India organization by this time. The AIKS membership in 1945 was around 8,25,000; it fall to 7 lakh 58 thousands in 1946 and to 6 lakh 78 thousand (rough figures) in 1947. The target set in Sakandra Rao conference was that of 12 lakhs. The reasons for this fall was the partition of the country and the communal riots. Thus, the AIKS continued to be a powerful mass all India organization on the eve of independence and immediately after. It would have a far more powerful mass organization and an effective mass movement, but for certain unfortunate events that took place in 1948-50. Those events were related with the rise and domination of left-sectarian and adventurist suicidal line that gripped the kisan movement and the Communist and broader movement in general.

“BTR Line” and the kisan movement P.C. Joshi was replaced, defacbo, as the general secretary of the CPI in December 1947 by BT Ranadive. He was formally removed in the second congress of the CPI in February 1948. The Communist movement was gripped by a suicidal left-adventurist line, known in his history as the ‘BTR Line’. It affected the course of all the mass organizations and movements, with serious and tragic consequences for the entire movement. The BTR line imposed new course and gave seemingly ‘revolutionary” slogans, that were totally at variance with the realities of the country and the world. The sum and substance of the “BTR Line” was as follows: Indian independence was a hoax and, therefore, India had not ‘really’ become free. Nehru’s government was a lackey of world imperialism, in alliance with the feudal and big traders. Therefore, it had to be overthrown   immediately through countrywide armed struggle.

“People’s democratic and socialist republic” had to be established in its place. The Party leadership toyed with the ideas of a “Russian path” and a “Chinese path” of revolution, mechanically, without taking the Indian conditions into consideration. So, while the ongoing Telangana armed struggle was misused for this, a call was given for an all-India railway strike in March 1949, which failed totally. This self-destructive course proved to be fatal for the broader mass movement as also for the kisan movement. In brief, the kisan movement was destroyed completely by 1950, in a matter of two years only. Misreading the various peasants’ movements, the “BTR Line” tried to force them into own strategy, and thus misused the mass energy. It forced the successful AIKS-led movement on to the self-destructive course of going ahead further and carryout the make-believe and self-made artificial “revolution”.

This line saw an image of ‘Chinese-type guerilla warfare in Telangana, Kakdwip and other peasant struggle, which had originated in a different context and for different purposes. These movements were sought to be artificially joined together with the so-called urban ‘Russian-style’ armed uprisings in railways, factories and jails. These led from one disaster to another. Forced attempts were made in Marathwada, Aurangabad, Madras Province, Malabar and other areas of Kerala, Punjab, even in U.P., Bihar and such other places to force armed kisan revolts, which led to committing hara-kiri. The point was that the peasants were undoubted by prepared to struggle for their limited demands using the available means. But they were not ready overthrow the government and carry out a socialist revolution. They rejoiced at the freedom, though dissatisfied with many of its aspects and with several of government policies.

But the Indian masses were overwhelmingly behind the government even in their dissatisfaction. India was no China or Russia. The constitutional machinery was fast taking shape, leading to a declaration of the Indian republic on 26 January 1950. It paved the way for the first general elections in 1952, where the CPI emerged as the main opposition. Obviously, the so-called ‘revolutionary line’ was flying in the face of reality. The result was a total disaster and integration of the people’s and kisan movement. Telengana armed struggle : glory and disaster (2946-50) The famous and glorious Telangana peasants’ armed struggle was launched in September 1946. Its target was Nizam’s rule and the extremely oppressive and repressive feudal system that he represented.

Telangana was a large chunk of the state of Hyderabad, ruled by the Nizam’s dynasty. It was the most backward and the most exploited region of the princely state. The movement was led by the CPI, the AIKS and the State’s People’s Organisation. The armed struggle liberated about 4000 villages, distributed land among the landless and established people’s and peasants rule over a big area. By 1945-46 the peasant movement in Telangana had partially come a struggle against vetti or illegal exactions by the landlords and levy in form of grains.

The levy introduced in 1946 also hit the rich peasants. The landlords used to with hold grains from the market, accumulating huge wealth. The tribals were being driven out of their lands. The processes were being overseen by the Nizam and his cronies down the lines. The peasants and police began to clash by October 1946 in Nalgonda and Warangal. The movement became sharper when, after India’s independence, the Nizam refused to join the Indian Union. Andhra Maharasabha was leading the anti-Nizam movement; the Communists and state Congress were part of the Mahasabha. The Kisan Sabha joined the movement on a big scale. The Kisan Sabha began a peasant revolt by leading the peasants to seize to lands of the big landlords and distributing them to the poor and the landless. Ceiling was fixed. Foodgrains were also being distributed. The movement was a wide front , in which the rich peasants also took part. The nation’s support was with Telangana movment.

Along with the poor and middle peasantry, the bourgeoisie, the rich peasants and the capitalist landlords also wanted Nizam’s feudal aristocracy to go. The movement, particularly that led by the Kisan Sabha and the CPI, spread far and wide, and led to the liberation of thousands of villages and distribution of tens of thousands of acres of land. Sections of Congressmen also took part or supported this movement. Hundreds of armed squads, mainly of peasants, were formed. Tens of thousands of peasants were part of these squads. The movement spread to Nalgonda, Khammam, Warangalm, Karimnagar, etc. In fact, the armed nature of Telangana struggle was soon exhausting itself.

New demands and new, democratic forms of struggles were coming to the fore. The CPI leadership under the general secretaryship of P.C. Joshi had well-considered the pros and cons of the situation before deciding to go for armed struggle. The New Phase of Telangana Movement A new phase of Telangana struggle began with the entry of the Indian army into Hyderabad on 13 September 1948. Nizam was overthrown. The princely state of Hyderabad agreed to merge with India. Thus, the main demand of the movement was fulfilled and its main was over. There was now no need to continue the armed struggle on other demands. Besides, one could not and should not have fought against the Indian army. But, as we have already noted, the leadership of the CPI had been changed and the left –adventurist “BTR Line” came to dominate. Instead of withdrawing the armed struggle in Telangana, the BTR leadership decided, wrongly and unrealistically, to continue it.

There was no need for the armed struggle to continue further. The struggle should have been carried on through other means. The glorious phase of Telangana armed struggle was over, and it began to retreat. The middle peasantry went out of the struggle; so also the sections of intelligentsia, the Congress and most of Andhra Mahasabha. The base of the movement began to shrink. The mass of the peasants began to shun the CPI and the AIKS. In practice, the peasants began to withdraw cooperation. Consequently, it became more and more difficult for the kisan cadres and squads to find base and shelter in the villages.

Therefore, they more and more withdrew to the jungles. They began to be informed about and betrayed by sections and individuals of that very peasantry, which had earlier supported them. The Telangana armed peasant’s struggle withdrew to the forests, encircled more and more by the armed forces, got cut off from mass peasant base, and then collapsed. The Telangana armed struggle had to be withdrawn. The AIKS on way to recovery The CPI leadership was changed in 1950-51. The Indian Communist movement gradually began course correction, and it began to come to broadly correct rails during the 1950s under under the leadership of Ajay Ghosh.

The developments had positive impact on the mass movements and organizations including the AIKS. The last session of the AIKS before independence was that of Sikandra Rao held in May 1947. After that, the next session could be held only in 1953, after a gap of six years. It was a difficult period for the AIKS, particularly because of the self-destructive course it followed in 1948-50, and the heavy repressions it had to face. Reorganisation and resurgence of the Kisan Sabha At a time when the president of the AIKS Karyanand Sharma, general secretary M.A. Rasul and several other leaders were in jail, Bankim Mukherjee and others took the initiative to convene meetings of the AIKS bodies. A meeting of the Central Kisan Council was held from 6 to 11 August 1951 in Calcutta.

It was more of an informal consultation and an extended meeting. Only five of the 25 elected members were present: Z.A. Ahmed, Yogindra Sharma, Achintya Bhattacharya, Bankim Mukherjee and Muzaffar Ahmed. Besides, them, many others participated eg.. A.B. Kunhambu acnd A.K. Gopalan from Malabar, E. Gopal Krishna Menon from Travancore – Cochin; P. Pattanaik and others from Orissa; D. Seetharamaiah etc from Andhra; and others from Bengal, Pepsu, Rajasthan and other places.

Detailed reports from various province were presented. The organization of the AIKS was in great disarray. But in some places, the Kisan Sabhas were slowly coming back to life. In Punjab and PEPSU (Patiala and East Punjab States Union) faced very difficult situation due to mass exodus of millions of people in both the directions. In Pepsu, the peasants began a movement to occupy government’s ‘khas’ lands. The peasants occupied 5000 bighas or 1660 acres in 20 villages, which were then distributed among the landless labourers and poor peasants. In Punjab, a large of peasants were evicted on the pretext of accommodating the refuges. The meeting condoled the death of Swami Sahajanand, who had passed away in his ashram at Bihta (Bihar) on 10^th July 1950. The meeting passed a number of other resolutions including on zamindari abolition. A normal and regular meeting of the CKC could be held only in 1952 from 23 to 25 June in Patna.

Such a meeting was taking place after years. The meeting decided to form on ad hoc committee of the Kisan Sabha in PEPSU, pending discussions about Punjab Kisan Sabha. It was also decided that the Kisan Sabha of Assam should include the Sabha in parts of the Surma Valley, which remained in India. Two separate kisan sabha would be formed inTripura and Manipur states. The meeting discussed a number of issues, from world peace to kisan problems and organizational state of affairs.

Bankim Mukherjee at that time was carrying on unity talks with the United Kisan Sabha. At his request to strengthen his position, M.A. Rasul resigned his post as the general secretary of the AIKS. This was done to strengthen the tallies. Bankim Mukherjee was elected the General Secretary of the AIKS. An extended meeting of the CKC was held on 23-26 August 1952 in Madras. It was also attended by Indulal Yagnik, who was attending an AIKS meet after a long gap. Yagnik made certain suggestions for the improvement of the Indian peasantry. He had been much impressed by the experience of China, which he visited some time earlier. In a resolution, the CKC demanded the abolition of the so-called “Rehabilitation Camps” in Telangana. A large number of tribals and peasants had been driven into them in the wake of the Telangana struggle. They were being brutally treated by the Police and army with the support of former Razakars and feudal agents. The AIKS demanded withdrawal of the military and the SAP or State Armed Police from the tribal belts.

It demanded that the people should be allowed to go back to their ancestral homes and villages, and to given them all the necessary help and facilities for their rehabilitation. The CKC constituted a commission to visit the places of the oppressed people of Telangana. The commission submitted its written report on 27^th September 1952 to the CKC. It gave a harrowing description of the atrocities and oppression of the people. It also made a number of recommendations. Another meeting of the CKC was held on 10-11 January 1953. President of the AIKS Karyanand Sharma chaired it. The main agenda of the meeting was the preparations of the next session of the AIKS that was to be held in Cannanore in April 1953. Cannanore Session of AIKS, 1953 After its 10^th session in Aligarh (Sikandra Rao) in May 1947, just before independence, the AIKS could hold its 11^th session (conference) after a gap pf six years, only in 1953.

The session was held in Cannanore in Malabar from 26 April 1953. We have already discussed some of the major reasons for such a long gap between these two conferences. But the time the AIKS met in Cannanore, it was in tatters, and was only regrouping very slowly. It had been virtually smashed in 1948-50, and was now being pieced together bit by bit after undergoing heavy losses. The kisan movement in India had been thrown back by several years. It would take many more years for its revival. Some activities had been taking place in the meantime in some places in the country. One reason was the acute and widespread famine in the early post-independence years, from one end of the country to another: Malabar, Bihar, Royalseema, Guajarat, parts of Punjab, West Bengal, Royalseema etc.

It was partly the result of the government policies, the disruptive activities of hoarders and feudal forces, the communal holocaust and loss of several agricultural areas to Pakistan, failure of monsoon, large attacks of locusts, etc. The Indian agriculture was in severe crisis in the wake of partition, domination by the feudal forces, dislocation and so on. It was a critical period for the country and the kisan movement. Mahatma Gandhi had been assassinated by the arch communal elements belonging to the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha on 30^th January 1948. It was a serious attack on the rising secularism in the country. Almost all the princely feudal states had been merged with India by 1950-51. They numbered nearly 600. Thus, a major hurdle on way to the elimination of feudalism was cleared. The other hurdle was the widespread and deep-rooted zamindari system and feudal landlordship. It would take a few more years of struggle, pressures and legislations to abolish zamindari. The first general elections, held in 1952, was a great landmark for independent India.

The country had become a republic under the Constitution adopted on 26^th January 1950. The events were a victory for democracy. In the elections, the progressive forces prevailed as a whole. The CPI emerged as the main opposition party, and second only to the congress. The reactionary a forces, including the Jan Sangh, remained on the margins of the political map. Thus, new possibilities were opening up for mass democratic forces and for the kisans in particular. The rural mass of India, the poor and the illiterates, took particularly enthusiastic interest in the general elections. The kisans worked and participated in then actively.

The Cannanore AIKS conference took place in this very hopeful background, though beset with lot of problems and crises. The conference was interesting in more than one way. One very interesting and important event was that the presidential speech at the 11^th AIKS conference was delivered by none other than Indulal Yagnik. We have earlier mentioned his differences with and separation from the AIKS in the pre-independence days. But now he had come back, and that was a very important development.

Indulal Yagnik expressed his return thus in his presidential address: “ I confess I am as puzzled as I feel honoured by being elected the president of this conference. As you are well aware, I have not been in close touch with the All India Kisan Sabha during the last few years. But I believe you have summoned me to the chair here, as I am perhaps one of the very few who helped in founding the All India Kisan Sabha at Lucknow in 1936 – and who still remained loyal to the basic principles and policies of the Sabha.” Yagnik paid profuse homage to one of the old guards, who had passed away a few years earlier, Swami Sahajanand Saraswati, “who fought so wisely and well for the emancipation of the kisans of India till his very last breath.” He said the fitting memorial to him would be a strengthening of the Kisan Sabha. The venue of the conference was named “Kayyur Nagar”. Addressing the mammoth gathering at the Nagar, Yagnik paid homage to the memory of the young martyrs of Kayyur.

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